人民日报官宣习近平下台，版面缩水一半
人民日报官宣习近平下台，版面缩水一半
大家好，
习近平在《人民日报》上的版面大幅缩水，尤其是每年例行报道的植树活动新闻，从往年的显赫排版退化为今年，2025年4月的异常低调，这绝非偶然，而是权力风向转变的直观体现。因为共匪虽然打着反帝反封建的旗号，其实照样等级森严，党八股的文化十分的变态的。就从二会上，女服务员，用一根线来测量摆茶杯就知道。人民日报用多大的版本，那是有讲究的，不是一个小编想怎么排版，就能怎么排版。那是层层审批，最后可能是一名政治局常委在把关。
过去几年从2021到2024年，习近平植树活动的报道在《人民日报》头版占据近三分之二的版面，采用长栏、破栏设计，配以大字号标题和醒目照片，凸显习近平的“核心”地位。而今年2025年4月4日的报道，不仅版面缩到只剩下一半，照片和形象大幅度缩小，甚至未突破左半区，气势全无。这种变化在中共官媒的严格规矩之下，绝不可能是编辑失误，而是政治信号的明确释放。
我们数一数人民日报，以前起码6个栏，习近平要占5个半。现在就剩下3个，就是一半。
在中共宣传体系中，版面设计是权力大小的晴雨表。头版头条的上半区、左半区是至高无上的位置，长栏、破栏更是党魁权威的象征。习近平过去几年享受的待遇，表明习近平掌控了舆论机器，疯狂的进行个人崇拜宣传，将个人形象塑造成无可撼动的样子。然而，今年版面缩水，气场不再，与此同时，军队中习近平派系的上将比如何卫东、苗华被查，军委之中习近平已经名副其实，变成光杆司令。从陈辉晋升上将的时候没有给习近平准备两个茶杯，侧面说明习近平可能已经被从军委大楼踢出去，不让习近平去军委大楼办公了。因为习近平患有系统性红斑狼疮。有口腔溃疡的并发症，需要经常漱口。
现在看，当时何卫东是不是临时被抓过去演戏也不好说，反正何卫东现在被抓了。何卫东二会之后被抓，不可能之前没有调查就抓了呀。早就开始调查了呀，到底什么时候开始调查的，现在还没有公布。
中组部人事大权落入胡锦涛马仔石泰峰手中，江泽民家族江绵恒等人高调现身新闻联播，上了热搜，这是中共背后给推上去的。这些事件串联起来，指向一个结论：习近平的地位正在动摇，甚至可能面临被迫“退场”的局面。到底要怎么处理习近平，要看胡锦涛的意思，要看温家宝的意思，要看张德江的意思，要看江绵恒的意思，看要曾庆红的意思。等我给大家讲一下，江绵恒他爸江泽民临死之前给江绵恒和曾庆红留下什么政治遗嘱啊。
何卫东缺席多个重要场合，张又侠现身植树活动，基本证实了何卫东“出事”的传闻。作为习近平一手提拔，破格提拔的军委副主席，何卫东的倒台无疑是习近平的军中根基的崩塌。何卫东毕竟是一个政治局委员，不想弄的太难看，假装程序正义，还要走手续。所以何卫东应该还会继续失踪一段时间。
31军（现73军）作为习近平大本营，已经被胡锦涛派系“团灭”，从苗华、何卫东到林向阳、赵克石等上将，一个不留。这种清洗力度，堪称现代版的“株连三族”，彻底摧毁了习近平在东部战区的军事支柱。主要是以老乡，上下级为纽带的，当时苗华和老丈人叶汉林也是以血缘为纽带的，刘晓榕和老丈人魏金山也是以血缘为纽带的。共产党所有的口号都是骗人的，还反帝反封建呢。
军队是习近平巩固权力的关键，失去这一抓手，习近平的权威自然岌岌可危。《人民日报》版面缩水，正是这一权力失衡的外在折射。习近平已经崩盘，没有任何的话语权了。
与此同时，江泽民家族，江绵恒、江绵康等人在2025年4月2日罕见亮相新闻联播，并登上热搜，这显然是江派精心策划的政治表态。同期，中组部部长石泰峰，胡锦涛铁杆马仔上位，传言与江派关联密切，江绵恒在中科院的搭档路甬祥的秘书邹晓东将接任中组部常务副部长，形成“胡江双寡头”格局。这不不仅是胡锦涛与江泽民两大派系联手反习的证据，也是习近平人事控制权丧失的标志。江绵恒的露面，既是对石泰峰的背书，更可能是对胡春华接班总书记的支持。胡春华作为胡锦涛的预定接班人，苦心培养，年龄、资历都符合标准，就是胡锦涛给胡春华刷的简历。胡春华上位将标志着习近平时代的终结。《人民日报》对习近平的低调处理，与江胡联手的声势形成鲜明对比，凸显习近平已沦为“跛脚鸭”。就是看守总书记。
这名网友说，
大包，预测三代想的过多了，只有上天才知道。胡锦涛也不会管得那么远，既然相信胡春华，后面的人事自然是由胡春华来决定了。胡春华会拨乱反正，将邓小平的任期制和隔代指定坚持下去的。胡春华后面一任总书记理当由江派担任。
我的回复是：首先拨乱反正是共产党的词汇，共产党的话语体系。共产党哪有正的都是歪的。放着民主的制度不走，为了长期垄断权力，什么隔代指定。
但是我觉得你其余两个观点十分的符合逻辑。当然符合逻辑也未必就是事实。其实我们不掌握其他的证据而已。最近的两个例子，就是内蒙古倒查20年，猜测是查胡春华是符合逻辑的，但是事实上，被抓的官员，至少宋亮百分百是习近平的马仔。所以不是那么回事儿。
李克强是北大法律系的，胡春华是中文系，所以猜测李克强和胡春华在北大未必认识，但事实是，由于李克强是学生会主席，交友广泛，所以他们认识。所以即便符合常理的推测，那也只是推测。
但是你说的这两个观点的确是非常的符合逻辑。如果胡春华上的话，胡锦涛这么大岁数了。疑人不用，用人不疑，既然交权给胡春华，那后面的事情自然是由胡春华来决定。因为是胡锦涛发动的军事政变接替习近平的人肯定是胡锦涛的人，不可能是江泽民的人。
其实所谓改革开放之后，最大的政治集团是邓小平集团。邓小平吹成改革开放的设计者。虽然都是胡耀邦和赵紫阳搞得，但是邓小平才是老大。实力第二的政治集团是陈云集团，现在到习近平这里被搞得团灭。实力最弱的是胡耀邦江泽民政治集团。夹缝中求生存，最后维持到现在，确实是，从策略上是表现最好的。胡锦涛才是把一手好牌打烂了。
所以肯定是胡春华接班，由胡春华来布局，如果由江派来接替胡春华，就需要胡春华布局，保证江派会被总书记再交回胡派。
所以看他们的这个思路，就是不走民主的正道，就是想通过密室政治，权谋来解决问题。
再看版面缩水的细节，今年报道不仅版面缩小，连“核心气势”都荡然无存，与其他新闻混杂，毫无突出感。这与2020年疫情时期的排版相似，当时习近平因防疫不力饱受质疑，宣传口径被迫低调。如今重现这一模式，结合军中清洗和人事变动，显然不是巧合。习近平的地位下降始于，2024年6月军队在延安召开的政工会议。因为太多证据表明，军队根本就没有理会习近平在延安召开的的政工会议的内容。所谓落实就是打着红旗反红旗，压根没有落实习近平在延安政工会议的实质内容。从那时候开始，习近平在军队被架空，随着苗华、何卫东被查，习近平军权崩盘，就是开始公开化了。
而中组部权力的易手则是压垮骆驼的最后一根稻草。就是压垮习近平的大外宣，海外孤忠的论述。习近平早就在内部被悄悄下架了。华国锋下台之后，还在人民日报上面装了1年还是1年半，胡耀邦也是维持了大半年。1987年1月胡耀邦降为常委最后一名，1987年11月才正式下。总有一个过程。人民日报官媒的版面调整，不过是将这一现实公之于众的窗口。
更深一层，习近平版面缩水还反映了宣传系统的微妙转向。《人民日报》作为党的喉舌，其编辑方针由中宣部直接掌控。中宣部长李书磊如果仍然忠于习近平，不可能允许如此明显的“降格”处理。版面缩水暗示中宣部已不再唯习马首是瞻，可能在胡江联手的压力下，选择向新权力中心靠拢。李书磊上面主管中宣部的中央书记处，书记蔡奇，情妇韦立被抓，蔡尔津配合调查。蔡奇也蹦跶不起来。蔡奇要怎么处理，我们也不知道，也就是有个常委的身份护身。
胡锦涛派系通过石泰峰掌控中组部，正在清洗习近平派官员，“一个不留”，这种人事大洗牌必然波及宣传领域。《人民日报》的变化，正是这一趋势的先声。
从历史惯例看，中共领导人的宣传待遇往往与其实际权力挂钩。毛泽东被边缘化时，报纸上的形象逐渐淡化；邓小平退居幕后后，头条不再独占。习近平如今的处境，与其说是主动低调，不如说是被迫让位。胡锦涛在军队清洗中展现“杀机”，连歼-20采购链上的赵克石、谭瑞松都被拿下，显示胡锦涛决心不仅限于军中，更意在为胡春华夺回最高权力。习近平如果在2025年8月8日的四中全会上辞去总书记职务，《人民日报》版面缩水将成为这一剧变的预兆。
总之，习近平在《人民日报》版面大幅缩水，不是单纯的排版调整，而是权力天平倾斜的象征。军中习派被连根拔起，中组部落入胡江之手，江绵恒高调现身，胡春华蓄势待发，这些信号叠加，表明习近平的“核心”光环已褪色。《人民日报》版面缩到只剩一半，正是习近平从巅峰滑向谷底的缩影。习近平或许真的要“退了”，而这一退，可能不仅是位置的丢失，更是整个政治遗产的崩塌，习近平派系的团灭。
英文翻译
People’s Daily officially announced Xi Jinping’s resignation, and the page space was reduced by half
Hello everyone,
Xi Jinping’s page space in the People’s Daily has been greatly reduced, especially the news of the tree planting activities reported routinely every year, which has degenerated from the prominent layout in previous years to the unusually low-key in April 2025 this year. This is by no means accidental, but a direct reflection of the change in the direction of power. Because although the Communist bandits are under the banner of anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism, they are still strictly hierarchical, and the party’s jargon culture is very perverted. Just look at the waitress at the Second Session, who used a line to measure the placement of tea cups. The size of the version used by the People’s Daily is particular, and it is not a small editor who can layout it as he wants. It is approved by layers of approval, and in the end it may be a member of the Politburo Standing Committee who is in charge.
In the past few years, from 2021 to 2024, the report on Xi Jinping’s tree planting activities occupied nearly two-thirds of the page space on the front page of the People’s Daily, using long columns and broken columns, with large-font titles and eye-catching photos, highlighting Xi Jinping’s “core” status. However, the report on April 4, 2025 this year not only shrunk to half of the page, but also significantly reduced the size of the photos and images, and even failed to break through the left half, and lost all momentum. Under the strict rules of the CCP official media, this change could never be an editorial mistake, but a clear release of political signals.
Let’s count the People’s Daily. In the past, there were at least 6 columns, and Xi Jinping occupied 5 and a half. Now there are only 3 left, which is half.
In the CCP propaganda system, layout design is a barometer of power. The upper half and left half of the front page headline are the supreme positions, and the long and broken columns are the symbols of the party leader’s authority. The treatment Xi Jinping has enjoyed in the past few years shows that Xi Jinping has controlled the public opinion machine, frantically carried out personal worship propaganda, and shaped his personal image into an unshakable appearance. However, this year the page has shrunk and the aura is gone. At the same time, generals of Xi Jinping’s faction in the army, such as He Weidong and Miao Hua, have been investigated. Xi Jinping has become a bare commander in the Military Commission. When Chen Hui was promoted to general, he did not prepare two tea cups for Xi Jinping, which indirectly indicates that Xi Jinping may have been kicked out of the CMC building and was not allowed to work there. This is because Xi Jinping suffers from systemic lupus erythematosus. He has complications of oral ulcers and needs to rinse his mouth frequently.
Now it is hard to say whether He Weidong was temporarily arrested to act, but He Weidong has been arrested now. He Weidong was arrested after the two sessions, so it is impossible that he was arrested without investigation before. The investigation started a long time ago, but when it started has not been announced yet.
The power of personnel in the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee fell into the hands of Hu Jintao’s henchman Shi Taifeng, and Jiang Zemin’s family members Jiang Mianheng and others appeared in the news broadcast in a high-profile manner and became a hot topic. This was pushed up by the CCP behind the scenes. These events are linked together, pointing to a conclusion: Xi Jinping’s position is shaking, and he may even face the situation of being forced to “exit”. How to deal with Xi Jinping depends on Hu Jintao’s opinion, Wen Jiabao’s opinion, Zhang Dejiang’s opinion, Jiang Mianheng’s opinion, and Zeng Qinghong’s opinion. Let me tell you what political will Jiang Mianheng’s father Jiang Zemin left to Jiang Mianheng and Zeng Qinghong before his death.
He Weidong was absent from many important occasions, and Zhang Youxia appeared at the tree planting event, which basically confirmed the rumors that He Weidong was “in trouble”. As the vice chairman of the Military Commission who was promoted by Xi Jinping, He Weidong’s downfall is undoubtedly the collapse of Xi Jinping’s military foundation. After all, He Weidong is a member of the Politburo. He doesn’t want to make it too ugly. He pretends to be procedurally just and has to go through the procedures. So He Weidong should continue to be missing for a while.
The 31st Army (now the 73rd Army), as Xi Jinping’s base camp, has been “wiped out” by Hu Jintao’s faction, from Miao Hua, He Weidong to Lin Xiangyang, Zhao Keshi and other generals, none of them are left. This kind of cleansing intensity can be called a modern version of “punishing three clans”, which completely destroyed Xi Jinping’s military pillar in the Eastern Theater. The bond was mainly based on fellow villagers and superiors and subordinates. At that time, Miao Hua and his father-in-law Ye Hanlin were also linked by blood, and Liu Xiaorong and his father-in-law Wei Jinshan were also linked by blood. All the slogans of the Communist Party are deceptive, and they are also anti-imperialist and anti-feudal.
The army is the key to Xi Jinping’s consolidation of power. Without this grip, Xi Jinping’s authority is naturally in jeopardy. The shrinking of the People’s Daily is an external reflection of this power imbalance. Xi Jinping has collapsed and has no say.
At the same time, Jiang Zemin’s family, Jiang Mianheng, Jiang Miankang and others made a rare appearance on the news broadcast on April 2, 2025, and were on the hot search. This is obviously a political statement carefully planned by the Jiang faction. At the same time, Shi Taifeng, Minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, Hu Jintao’s iron-handed henchman, took over. It is rumored that he is closely related to the Jiang faction. Zou Xiaodong, secretary of Lu Yongxiang, Jiang Mianheng’s partner in the Chinese Academy of Sciences, will take over as Executive Vice Minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, forming a “Hu Jiang duopoly” pattern. This is not only evidence of the two major factions of Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin joining forces to oppose Xi, but also a sign of Xi Jinping’s loss of control over personnel. Jiang Mianheng’s appearance is not only an endorsement of Shi Taifeng, but also a support for Hu Chunhua to take over as general secretary. As Hu Jintao’s designated successor, Hu Chunhua has been painstakingly cultivated, and his age and qualifications meet the standards. This is Hu Jintao’s resume for Hu Chunhua. Hu Chunhua’s rise to power will mark the end of the Xi Jinping era. The low-key treatment of Xi Jinping by the People’s Daily is in sharp contrast to the momentum of the Jiang-Hu alliance, highlighting that Xi Jinping has become a “lame duck.” It is to be the caretaker general secretary.
This netizen said,
Dabao, predicting three generations is too much, only God knows. Hu Jintao will not manage so far, since he believes in Hu Chunhua, the personnel in the future will naturally be decided by Hu Chunhua. Hu Chunhua will set things right and stick to Deng Xiaoping’s term limit and inter-generational designation. The general secretary after Hu Chunhua should be held by the Jiang faction.
My reply is: First of all, “set things right” is the Communist Party’s vocabulary and discourse system. The Communist Party is not right at all. They are crooked. They ignore the democratic system and monopolize power for a long time, and they designate people across generations.
But I think your other two views are very logical. Of course, being logical does not necessarily mean being true. In fact, we just don’t have other evidence. The two recent examples are that Inner Mongolia investigated 20 years ago. It is logical to speculate that it is to investigate Hu Chunhua, but in fact, at least Song Liang, the official who was arrested, is 100% Xi Jinping’s lackey. So it’s not the case.
Li Keqiang is from the Law Department of Peking University, and Hu Chunhua is from the Chinese Department, so it is speculated that Li Keqiang and Hu Chunhua may not know each other at Peking University, but the fact is that Li Keqiang is the president of the Student Union and has a wide range of friends, so they know each other. So even if it is a common-sense speculation, it is just speculation.
But the two views you mentioned are indeed very logical. If Hu Chunhua goes to the throne, Hu Jintao will be so old. If you doubt someone, don’t employ him; if you employ someone, don’t doubt him. Since the power has been handed over to Hu Chunhua, then the next thing will naturally be decided by Hu Chunhua. Because it was a military coup launched by Hu Jintao, the person who succeeded Xi Jinping must be Hu Jintao’s person, not Jiang Zemin’s person.
In fact, after the so-called reform and opening up, the largest political group is the Deng Xiaoping group. Deng Xiaoping is praised as the designer of reform and opening up. Although it was Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang who did it, Deng Xiaoping was the boss. The second strongest political group is the Chen Yun group, which has now been wiped out by Xi Jinping. The weakest is the Hu Yaobang and Jiang Zemin political group. They survived in the cracks and finally maintained until now. It is indeed the best performance in terms of strategy. Hu Jintao is the one who ruined a good hand of cards.
So it must be Hu Chunhua who took over and laid out the plan. If the Jiang faction replaced Hu Chunhua, Hu Chunhua would need to lay out the plan to ensure that the Jiang faction would be handed back to the Hu faction by the general secretary.
So looking at their thinking, they are not taking the right path of democracy, but want to solve the problem through secret room politics and power struggles.
Looking at the details of the shrinking page, this year’s report not only has a smaller page, but also has lost its “core momentum”, mixed with other news, without any sense of prominence. This is similar to the layout during the 2020 epidemic, when Xi Jinping was questioned for his poor epidemic prevention and was forced to keep a low profile in his propaganda. The reappearance of this pattern today, combined with the purge and personnel changes in the military, is obviously not a coincidence. Xi Jinping’s decline in status began with the political work meeting held by the military in Yan’an in June 2024. Because there is too much evidence that the military did not pay attention to the content of the political work meeting held by Xi Jinping in Yan’an. The so-called implementation is to fight against the red flag under the red flag, and the substantive content of Xi Jinping’s political work meeting in Yan’an was not implemented at all. From then on, Xi Jinping was hollowed out in the military. With the investigation of Miao Hua and He Weidong, Xi Jinping’s military power collapsed and began to be public.
The change of power in the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee was the last straw that broke the camel’s back. It was the big foreign propaganda that crushed Xi Jinping and the overseas lonely loyal discourse. Xi Jinping had long been quietly removed from the internal shelves. After Hua Guofeng stepped down, he still pretended to be in the People’s Daily for one or one and a half years, and Hu Yaobang also maintained it for more than half a year. In January 1987, Hu Yaobang was demoted to the last member of the Standing Committee, and was officially removed in November 1987. There is always a process. The layout adjustment of the People’s Daily official media is just a window to make this reality public.
On a deeper level, Xi Jinping’s shrinking page also reflects the subtle shift of the propaganda system. As the mouthpiece of the party, the editorial policy of the People’s Daily is directly controlled by the Central Propaganda Department. If Li Shulei, the Minister of Propaganda, is still loyal to Xi Jinping, he would not allow such an obvious “downgrading”. The shrinking page suggests that the Central Propaganda Department is no longer following Xi’s lead, and may choose to move closer to the new power center under the pressure of the Hu-Jiang alliance. Li Shulei is in charge of the Central Secretariat of the Central Propaganda Department, the secretary Cai Qi, his mistress Wei Li was arrested, and Cai Erjin cooperated with the investigation. Cai Qi can’t jump up either. We don’t know how Cai Qi will be dealt with, that is, he has the identity of a Standing Committee member to protect him.
The Hu Jintao faction controls the Organization Department through Shi Taifeng and is purging Xi Jinping’s officials, leaving no one behind. This personnel reshuffle will inevitably affect the propaganda field. The changes in the People’s Daily are the forerunner of this trend.
From a historical perspective, the propaganda treatment of CCP leaders is often linked to their actual power. When Mao Zedong was marginalized, his image in the newspaper gradually faded; after Deng Xiaoping retreated behind the scenes, he no longer dominated the headlines. Xi Jinping’s current situation is more like being forced to give up his position than actively keeping a low profile. Hu Jintao showed “murderous intent” in the military purge, and even Zhao Keshi and Tan Ruisong in the J-20 procurement chain were taken down, showing that Hu Jintao’s determination is not limited to the military, but also intended to regain the highest power for Hu Chunhua. If Xi Jinping resigns as general secretary at the Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee on August 8, 2025, the shrinking of the People’s Daily will be a harbinger of this dramatic change.
In short, Xi Jinping’s drastic reduction in the People’s Daily is not a simple layout adjustment, but a symbol of the tilt of the balance of power. The Xi faction in the military has been uprooted, the Central Organization Department has fallen into the hands of Hu and Jiang, Jiang Mianheng has made a high-profile appearance, and Hu Chunhua is ready to go. These signals add up to show that Xi Jinping’s “core” halo has faded. The People’s Daily has shrunk to half of its page, which is a microcosm of Xi Jinping’s slide from the peak to the bottom. Xi Jinping may really be “retiring”, and this retreat may not only mean the loss of his position, but also the collapse of his entire political legacy and the annihilation of Xi Jinping’s faction.
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