江绵恒背书胡春华。大局已定，江绵恒露面新闻联播背书石泰峰接任中组部长，胡春华接任总书记。江绵恒路甬祥马仔邹晓东将接替姜信治担任中组部常务副部长。江胡分赃完毕，连手把习近平拉下马
江绵恒背书胡春华。大局已定，江绵恒露面新闻联播背书石泰峰接任中组部长，胡春华接任总书记。江绵恒路甬祥马仔邹晓东将接替姜信治担任中组部常务副部长。江胡分赃完毕，连手把习近平拉下马
大家好，
这名网友说，然后中组部常务副部长由邹晓东担任。邹是浙江的。像李强的人马。包包分析下呢？
这名网友说，胡春华是否上，可以通过两个事情来看。一是刘可为职务是否是否有变化？要知道，2016年3月从广东省委办公厅跨省调任到的宁夏。石泰峰是一年后17年4月出任宁夏的书记。二看陈世炬，63年的正部，还没退休。他最后一个公开职务是，中办副主任。
我的回复，这些碎片化的信息，都要连起来，就是上帝视角。我老这么吹，我都不好意思了。我不是说我是上帝。上帝是永远的神，我们只是上帝子民。只是这件事情我可以给打开一下上帝视角。因为这件事情我有把握，可以给大家完全解读。
所以经上说：‘神阻挡骄傲的人，赐恩给谦卑的人。’当然了圣经也有记载。“你当刚强壮胆！不要惧怕，也不要惊惶，因为你无论往哪里去，耶和华你的神必与你同在。”
我只是帮大家，更好的看清中国的政局，并不是想僭越，自称上帝。
2024年4月2日，江泽民家族成员包括江绵恒、江绵康、江志成等人出现在新闻联播中，这一举动绝非偶然。
这名网友说，江泽民故居开放的那个新闻确实耐人寻味，能上当天的热搜，能上CCTV，说明就是有人推的，感觉在提醒大众的回忆，比较的意思，江泽民的口碑在最近几年是发生了明显变化的。
江泽民作为中共第三代领导核心，江泽民家族的公开出现具有强烈的政治象征意义。江绵恒长期在中科院和上海科技领域活动，代表江派的政治和经济利益。石泰峰2025年3月接替李干杰担任中组部长，这一非换届期的人事调整已经被键政圈的专业认识普遍解读为习近平大势已去的信号。江泽民家族此时此刻出现，可能是在为石泰峰上任中组部长背书，表明江派对这一人事变动的支持。
江派通过新闻联播这一个官方平台发声，而且上了热搜。不仅是对石泰峰的认可，更是对当前权力更替的表态。石泰峰的任命由胡锦涛政治集团主导，江派的背书则显示了胡江两派在反习行动中的合作。江绵恒的露面，可能是江派对石泰峰掌控人事大权的“点头”，为后续权力重组铺路。
中组部常务副部长姜信治接任昆曲室主任，显示即将退休
中组部的二把手，正部级的常务副部长姜信治接任昆曲室主任，显示即将退休。姜信治，1958年2月生，现任中组部常务副部长，分管日常工作的副部长，是中组部的二把手。2025年4月，姜信治已经67岁，接近中共高层的退休年龄线，通常为68岁。姜信治已经接任全国政协昆曲室主任，这一职务通常是正部级高官退居二线的象征性安排，比如一些退休领导人会担任类似的文化或学术职务以“发挥所谓的余热”。姜信治但任全国政协昆曲室主任，表明姜信治即将从核心权力岗位上退下，为新人腾位。
姜信治和中纪委书记李希，辽宁省委书记郝鹏，都是胡温的嫡系马仔。三个人，师出同门都是甘肃官场出身，而胡锦涛温家宝也都是甘肃官场出身。虽然每个省每个正部级单位都有两三个派系，但是姜信治李希郝鹏，的确是胡温的马仔，之前我有过详细派系分析，这里我就不跑题展开讲了，感兴趣的网友可以翻看我之前的影片。姜信治担任政协昆曲室主任很容易让联想起李瑞环。众所周知，李瑞环热爱京剧，李瑞环写了一本书，叫做《李瑞环谈京剧艺术》。李瑞环主持搞了一个京剧音配像工程。李瑞环是性少数群体，政治不正确的话，我就不深入展开说了。姜信治担任政协昆曲室主任， 很难不让人联想起李瑞环。虽然我也不知道京剧和昆曲到底是什么关系。但是从派系分析上说，姜信治和李瑞环的确都是邓小平胡锦涛派系的官员。
因为姜信治，李希，郝鹏，三个人派系背景相似，姜信治担任一个与李瑞环相关的职位，昆曲室主任。进一步验证我的派系判断是正确的。我先说说的姜信治是的胡锦涛的马仔，姜信治后来才担任昆曲室主任。我不知道姜信治和李瑞环的关系不错。因为李瑞环曾经担任了10年的中国政协主席。派系分析的正确的话，就可以预测未来。
传言中央和国家机关工委副书记、机关党委书记邹晓东将接替姜信治，担任中组部常务副部长（正部级）。邹晓东，1967年9月生，现年57岁，正值仕途上升期，邹晓东履历显示其与路甬祥、江绵恒有深厚关联。邹晓东1992-1993年担任浙江大学校长路甬祥的秘书，路甬祥1997-2011年任中科院院长期间，江绵恒1999-2011年任中科院副院长。邹晓东通过路甬祥，可能与江绵恒产生间接联系，邹晓东仕途，2018年进入中央统战部，可能受到江派支持。这是1998年5月，时任中科院院长路甬祥陪同时任总书记江泽民视察中科院，北京天文台的历史照片。左边这位是谁，我不知道，有专业人士的话，欢迎指点我一下。这是2005年时任中国人大副委员长，中科院党组书记路甬祥，和时任中科院党组成员，副院长江绵恒出席中科院上海分院，会议的历史照片。
邹晓东如果升任中组部常务副部长，将成为中组部的二把手，与一把手石泰峰共同掌控人事大权。这一传言如果属实，显示了胡锦涛和江泽民政治集团在权力分配上的妥协：胡锦涛马仔石泰峰担任中组部一把手，江泽民江绵恒的马仔邹晓东担任中组部二把手，形成了“双寡头”格局。这个之前我有过很多的论述，我们在很多的案例中会发现者普通的问题。中共虽然是独裁，肯定是独裁，但是中共权力结构是双寡头的权力结构。从上到下。政治局常委就是总书记和总理的双寡头权力格局。省一级就是省委书记和省长说了算。国家部委就是部长和党组书记或者党组副书记说了算。当然了不一定有党组书记或者党组副书记，或者党组书记和部长是一个人。这个稍微复杂一点。地级市就是市委书记和市长说了算。军队就是军长和政委说了算。大概是这样的情况，具体情况还要具体看。
邹晓东1992-1993年担任路甬祥的秘书，路甬祥1997-2011年任中科院院长时，江绵恒1999-2011年任副院长。路甬祥与江绵恒在中科院的合作体现了江派与路甬祥的密切关系。路甬祥和江绵恒同框出现的画面照片在网上可以找到很多。邹晓东作为路甬祥的秘书，可能通过路甬祥与江绵恒建立联系，邹晓东仕途发展（2018年进入统战部）可能受到江派支持。
路甬祥作为浙大系代表，与江派有长期合作关系，邹晓东可能是这一网络的受益者。江绵恒在2024年4月2日在新闻联播出现背书石泰峰，邹晓东的传言升迁可能是江派进一步布局的表现，确保江派在中组部的影响力。
石泰峰和胡锦涛和胡春华的关系远远不是那么简单，大外宣实在没法洗地了。就开发出一个石泰峰是江泽民派系的说法。现在中组部二把手也要换上江泽民的马仔邹晓东。按照大外宣的洗脑，顾头不顾腚，那就是江泽民派系控制了中组部。所以大外宣这些东西永远是给低智商的人，逻辑是漏洞百出。
石泰峰，生于1956年9月，与李克强、胡春华均为北京大学校友。石泰峰1982年毕业于北大法律系，李克强1977级，石泰峰1978级，胡春华1979级，三人有校友关系。石泰峰和李克强是一个专业的，法律系，石泰峰是比李克强晚一年的师弟，石泰峰是比胡春华早一年的师哥。当然了胡春华是中文系，可能与李克强石泰峰在北大的关系也未必是那么密切。这都是常识，上没上过大学。中国的大学一个系的师兄弟能认识不是很正常。胡春华和李克强石泰峰是两个系的，认识的可能性就小一些。
石泰峰1985-2010年在中央党校工作，胡锦涛1993-2002年任党校校长，两人共事10年，石泰峰是胡锦涛的铁杆马仔。即便曾庆红担任中央党校校长期间，胡锦涛是中央书记处书记，主管党务工作，主管中央党校。中央党校校长是无法提拔副校长的。中央党校副校长是副部级需要在政治局常委讨论通过。胡锦涛当时作为政治局排名第6的常委，发言权的确不大，但是胡锦涛作为主管中央校长的中央书记处书记。胡锦涛决定一个中央党校校长，权限的确不太够，话语权不够。但是作为中央书记处，就算不能提拔的所有的中央党校副校长。提名一个两个中央党校副校长的权力还是有的。
石泰峰在宁夏（2017-2019年）担任党委书记期间，石泰峰的大秘赵永清是由胡锦涛时期的中组部长贺国强的秘书曹学成提拔，显示胡锦涛人脉对石泰峰的支持。
追随胡春华多年的大秘刘可为曾任宁夏副主席（2016年-2023年），时任宁夏书记正是石泰峰，表明两人关系密切。
胡春华2009-2012年任内蒙古书记，石泰峰2019-2022年任内蒙古书记，两人仕途在内蒙古有交集。石泰峰在内蒙古的大秘于立新在胡春华任期内参加中央党校培训，获得正厅级晋升资格，显示胡春华对石泰峰团队的间接支持。
石泰峰与胡锦涛、胡春华的深厚关系，使石泰峰成为胡派的核心人物，石泰峰接任中组部长可能是胡锦涛为胡春华接班铺路的信号。
石泰峰接替李干杰担任中组部长，这一非换届期调整打破常规，结合石泰峰与胡锦涛、胡春华的深厚关系，可能是胡锦涛为胡春华接班习近平做准备。中组部掌控人事大权，石泰峰的上任意味着胡锦涛已经控制这一关键岗位，可以通过人事调整，清洗习近平派系，对习近平派系的官员一个不留，为胡春华上位铺平道路。胡春华，生于1963年4月，现年62岁，作为二十届中央委员、十四届全国政协副主席，胡春华的资历和年龄适合接任总书记。胡春华本来就是安排接替习近平的总书记人选，现在只是被习近平抢走了两年的任期。现在只是物归原主，完璧归赵而已。
江绵恒2025年4月2日在新闻联播上现身，不仅是对石泰峰接任中组部长的背书，更可能是对胡春华接班总书记的支持。江泽民政治集团与胡锦涛集团的合作在反习行动中，已经显现。现在已经明牌了。江绵恒的现身表明江派同意习近平下台，并支持胡锦涛主导的权力更替。胡春华作为胡锦涛的接班人选，可能得到江派妥协与支持，江绵恒的出现是这一政治交易的公开信号。
邹晓东传言升迁是胡江两大政治集团分赃的信号
传言邹晓东接替姜信治担任中组部常务副部长，显示胡锦涛和江泽民政治集团已经完成权力分配。中组部作为“双寡头垄断体制”，一把手石泰峰，胡锦涛派系和二把手邹晓东，江泽民派系，分掌大权，体现了胡江两派的妥协。邹晓东与路甬祥、江绵恒的关系密切，邹晓东就是路甬祥的出身。邹晓东成为江派的代表，邹晓东升迁可能是胡锦涛兑现承诺，分给江派“半壁江山”的结果。
网友称邹晓东是李强的人，如果属实，只能表明现任中国总理李强是江泽民的马仔。1987年27岁的李强挂职中国民政部，已经可能与张德江有交集，符合我的正部级35岁定律。李强在浙江就是张德江提拔的。李强遇见习近平的时候，已经和胡春华培养石泰峰的大秘于立新一样。李强已经被张德江送给中央党校参加培训班，取得了副部级的提拔资格。也就是说李强担任习近平的大秘，只是江泽民的派系的政治投机。把李强安插在习近平的身边，当作卧底。或者说为了让李强和未来的总书记混熟，方便将来上位。仅仅凭李强曾经担任习近平大秘就认为李强是习近平的马仔，证据不足。何况李强后来还给江派的赵洪祝担任大秘。
石泰峰接任中组部长，结合石泰峰与胡锦涛、胡春华的深厚关系，石泰峰百分百是胡锦涛的铁杆马仔。这是胡春华接替习近平总书记大位的信号。江绵恒2025年4月2日露面，不仅背书石泰峰，更可能是支持胡春华接班总书记。邹晓东传言升任中组部常务副部长，显示胡锦涛和江泽民政治集团，通过密室政治，已经分赃完毕，中组部“双寡头”格局（石泰峰与邹晓东）体现了两派妥协。李强如果支持邹晓东，则进一步证明李强与江派的关联。胡江联合反习的态势已成，大局已定。习近平大势已去，可能将在8月8日召开的四中全会上，辞去总书记的职位。
英文翻译
Jiang Mianheng endorses Hu Chunhua. The overall situation has been decided. Jiang Mianheng appeared on the news broadcast to endorse Shi Taifeng as the Minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee and Hu Chunhua as the General Secretary. Zou Xiaodong, a henchman of Jiang Mianheng and Lu Yongxiang, will replace Jiang Xinzhi as the Executive Vice Minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee. Jiang and Hu have divided the spoils and joined hands to bring Xi Jinping down.
Hello everyone,
This netizen said that Zou Xiaodong will be the Executive Vice Minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee. Zou is from Zhejiang. He is Li Qiang’s man. What about Bao Bao’s analysis?
This netizen said that whether Hu Chunhua will be promoted can be seen from two things. First, whether Liu Kewei’s position has changed? You know, he was transferred from the General Office of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee to Ningxia across provinces in March 2016. Shi Taifeng became the Secretary of Ningxia a year later in April 2017. Second, look at Chen Shiju, who was a minister in 1963 and has not retired yet. His last public position was Deputy Director of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee.
My reply is that all these fragmented information should be connected, which is the God’s perspective. I am embarrassed to brag like this all the time. I am not saying that I am God. God is the eternal God, and we are just God’s people. It’s just that I can open up God’s perspective on this matter. Because I am sure of this matter and can fully interpret it for everyone.
So the Bible says: “God opposes the proud, but gives grace to the humble. ‘Of course, the Bible also records it. “Be strong and courageous! Do not be afraid or dismayed, because the Lord your God will be with you wherever you go.”
I am just helping everyone to see China’s political situation more clearly, not to usurp the throne and claim to be God.
On April 2, 2024, members of Jiang Zemin’s family, including Jiang Mianheng, Jiang Miankang, Jiang Zhicheng and others, appeared in the news broadcast. This move is by no means accidental.
This netizen said that the news of the opening of Jiang Zemin’s former residence is indeed intriguing. It can be on the hot search of the day and on CCTV, which means that someone pushed it. It feels like reminding the public’s memories. In a comparative sense, Jiang Zemin’s reputation has changed significantly in recent years.
As the third-generation core leader of the Communist Party of China, the public appearance of Jiang Zemin’s family has strong political symbolic significance. Jiang Mianheng has long been active in the Chinese Academy of Sciences and Shanghai’s science and technology fields, representing the political and economic interests of the Jiang faction. Shi Taifeng will replace Li Ganjie as the Minister of the Organization Department in March 2025. This personnel adjustment during the non-term change period has been generally interpreted by the professional knowledge of the political circle as a signal that Xi Jinping’s situation is over. The appearance of Jiang Zemin’s family at this moment may be an endorsement for Shi Taifeng’s appointment as the Minister of the Organization Department, indicating the support of the Jiang faction for this personnel change.
The Jiang faction spoke out through the official platform of the News Broadcast, and it became a hot search. It is not only an endorsement of Shi Taifeng, but also a statement of the current power change. Shi Taifeng’s appointment was led by the Hu Jintao political group, and the endorsement of the Jiang faction showed the cooperation between the Hu and Jiang factions in the anti-Xi campaign. Jiang Mianheng’s appearance may be a “nod” from the Jiang faction to Shi Taifeng’s control of personnel power, paving the way for subsequent power reorganization.
Jiang Xinzhi, executive vice minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, takes over as director of the Kunqu Opera Room, indicating that he is about to retire
The second-in-command of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, the executive vice minister at the ministerial level, Jiang Xinzhi takes over as director of the Kunqu Opera Room, indicating that he is about to retire. Jiang Xinzhi, born in February 1958, is currently the executive vice minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, the vice minister in charge of daily work, and the second-in-command of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee. In April 2025, Jiang Xinzhi will be 67 years old, close to the retirement age of the top leaders of the Communist Party of China, which is usually 68 years old. Jiang Xinzhi has taken over as director of the Kunqu Opera Room of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference. This position is usually a symbolic arrangement for ministerial-level officials to retire to the second line. For example, some retired leaders will take up similar cultural or academic positions to “play the so-called residual heat.” Jiang Xinzhi’s appointment as director of the Kunqu Opera Room of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference indicates that Jiang Xinzhi is about to retire from the core power position to make room for newcomers.
Jiang Xinzhi, Li Xi, secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, and Hao Peng, secretary of the Liaoning Provincial Party Committee, are all direct henchmen of Hu and Wen. The three people, who came from the same school, all came from the officialdom of Gansu, and Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao also came from the officialdom of Gansu. Although every province and every ministerial-level unit has two or three factions, Jiang Xinzhi, Li Xi and Hao Peng are indeed Hu and Wen’s lackeys. I have previously made a detailed faction analysis, so I will not go off topic here to discuss it. Interested netizens can check out my previous videos. Jiang Xinzhi’s position as the director of the Kunqu Opera Office of the CPPCC easily reminds people of Li Ruihuan. As we all know, Li Ruihuan loves Peking Opera. Li Ruihuan wrote a book called “Li Ruihuan on Peking Opera Art”. Li Ruihuan presided over a Peking Opera audio-visual project. Li Ruihuan is a sexual minority, so I will not go into details if it is not politically correct. Jiang Xinzhi’s position as the director of the Kunqu Opera Office of the CPPCC easily reminds people of Li Ruihuan. Although I don’t know what the relationship between Peking Opera and Kunqu Opera is. But from the perspective of factional analysis, Jiang Xinzhi and Li Ruihuan are indeed officials from the Deng Xiaoping and Hu Jintao factions.
Because Jiang Xinzhi, Li Xi, and Hao Peng have similar factional backgrounds, Jiang Xinzhi holds a position related to Li Ruihuan, the director of the Kunqu Opera Room. This further verifies that my factional judgment is correct. I first said that Jiang Xinzhi was Hu Jintao’s henchman, and Jiang Xinzhi later became the director of the Kunqu Opera Room. I didn’t know that Jiang Xinzhi and Li Ruihuan had a good relationship. Because Li Ruihuan once served as the chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference for 10 years. If the factional analysis is correct, the future can be predicted.
It is rumored that Zou Xiaodong, deputy secretary of the Central and State Organs Working Committee and secretary of the Party Committee of the Organs, will replace Jiang Xinzhi as the executive vice minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee (ministerial level). Zou Xiaodong, born in September 1967, is 57 years old and is in the rising period of his career. Zou Xiaodong’s resume shows that he has a deep connection with Lu Yongxiang and Jiang Mianheng. Zou Xiaodong served as secretary to Zhejiang University President Lu Yongxiang from 1992 to 1993. Lu Yongxiang served as president of the Chinese Academy of Sciences from 1997 to 2011, and Jiang Mianheng served as vice president of the Chinese Academy of Sciences from 1999 to 2011. Zou Xiaodong may have had indirect contact with Jiang Mianheng through Lu Yongxiang. Zou Xiaodong entered the Central United Front Work Department in 2018 and may have been supported by the Jiang faction. This is a historical photo of Lu Yongxiang, then president of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, accompanying then General Secretary Jiang Zemin to inspect the Chinese Academy of Sciences and Beijing Observatory in May 1998. I don’t know who the person on the left is. If there are professionals, please give me some advice. This is a historical photo of Lu Yongxiang, then vice chairman of the National People’s Congress and secretary of the Party Leadership Group of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, and Jiang Mianheng, then member of the Party Leadership Group of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and vice president, attending a meeting at the Shanghai Branch of the Chinese Academy of Sciences in 2005.
If Zou Xiaodong is promoted to the position of executive vice minister of the Organization Department, he will become the second-in-command of the Organization Department and jointly control personnel power with the first-in-command Shi Taifeng. If this rumor is true, it shows the compromise between Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin’s political group in the distribution of power: Hu Jintao’s henchman Shi Taifeng serves as the first-in-command of the Organization Department, and Jiang Zemin and Jiang Mianheng’s henchman Zou Xiaodong serves as the second-in-command of the Organization Department, forming a “duopoly” pattern. I have discussed this many times before, and we will find this common problem in many cases. Although the Communist Party of China is a dictatorship, it is definitely a dictatorship, but the power structure of the Communist Party of China is a duopoly power structure. From top to bottom. The Politburo Standing Committee is a duopoly power structure of the general secretary and the prime minister. At the provincial level, the provincial party secretary and the governor have the final say. At the national ministries and commissions, the minister and the party group secretary or deputy party group secretary have the final say. Of course, there may not be a party group secretary or deputy party group secretary, or the party group secretary and the minister are the same person. This is a little more complicated. At the prefecture level, the municipal party committee secretary and the mayor have the final say. In the military, the army commander and the political commissar have the final say. This is probably the case, but the specific situation depends on the specific situation.
Zou Xiaodong served as Lu Yongxiang’s secretary from 1992 to 1993. When Lu Yongxiang served as the president of the Chinese Academy of Sciences from 1997 to 2011, Jiang Mianheng served as the vice president from 1999 to 2011. The cooperation between Lu Yongxiang and Jiang Mianheng in the Chinese Academy of Sciences reflects the close relationship between the Jiang faction and Lu Yongxiang. There are many photos of Lu Yongxiang and Jiang Mianheng appearing in the same frame on the Internet. As Lu Yongxiang’s secretary, Zou Xiaodong may have established contact with Jiang Mianheng through Lu Yongxiang, and Zou Xiaodong’s career development (joining the United Front Work Department in 2018) may have been supported by the Jiang faction.
As a representative of the Zhejiang University system, Lu Yongxiang has a long-term cooperative relationship with the Jiang faction, and Zou Xiaodong may be a beneficiary of this network. Jiang Mianheng endorsed Shi Taifeng on the news broadcast on April 2, 2024. Zou Xiaodong’s rumored promotion may be a further manifestation of the Jiang faction’s layout to ensure the influence of the Jiang faction in the Organization Department.
The relationship between Shi Taifeng and Hu Jintao and Hu Chunhua is far from simple, and the big foreign propaganda can’t clean it up. So they developed a saying that Shi Taifeng is from Jiang Zemin’s faction. Now the second-in-command of the Organization Department of the Central Committee is also going to be replaced by Jiang Zemin’s lackey Zou Xiaodong. According to the brainwashing of the big foreign propaganda, they only care about the head and not the butt, which means that Jiang Zemin’s faction controls the Organization Department of the Central Committee. So these things of the big foreign propaganda are always for people with low IQ, and the logic is full of loopholes.
Shi Taifeng, born in September 1956, is an alumnus of Peking University with Li Keqiang and Hu Chunhua. Shi Taifeng graduated from the Law Department of Peking University in 1982. Li Keqiang was in the class of 1977, Shi Taifeng was in the class of 1978, and Hu Chunhua was in the class of 1979. The three have alumni relationship. Shi Taifeng and Li Keqiang are from the same major, Law Department. Shi Taifeng is a junior one year younger than Li Keqiang, and a senior one year older than Hu Chunhua. Of course, Hu Chunhua is from the Chinese Department, so he may not have such a close relationship with Li Keqiang and Shi Taifeng at Peking University. This is common sense, whether you have attended university or not. It is not normal for brothers from the same department to know each other in Chinese universities. Hu Chunhua and Li Keqiang and Shi Taifeng are from different departments, so the possibility of knowing each other is smaller.
Shi Taifeng worked at the Central Party School from 1985 to 2010, and Hu Jintao served as the president of the Party School from 1993 to 2002. The two worked together for 10 years, and Shi Taifeng was Hu Jintao’s iron henchman. Even when Zeng Qinghong was the president of the Central Party School, Hu Jintao was the secretary of the Central Secretariat, in charge of party affairs and the Central Party School. The president of the Central Party School cannot be promoted to vice president. The vice president of the Central Party School is at the vice-ministerial level and needs to be discussed and approved by the Politburo Standing Committee. As the sixth-ranked member of the Politburo at the time, Hu Jintao did not have much say, but as the Secretary of the Central Secretariat in charge of the principals of the Central Party School, Hu Jintao did not have enough authority to decide on a principal of the Central Party School. However, as the Central Secretariat, even if he could not promote all the vice presidents of the Central Party School, he still had the power to nominate one or two vice presidents of the Central Party School.
During Shi Taifeng’s tenure as Party Secretary in Ningxia (2017-2019), Shi Taifeng’s chief secretary Zhao Yongqing was promoted by Cao Xuecheng, the secretary of He Guoqiang, the Minister of Organization during Hu Jintao’s period, showing the support of Hu Jintao’s connections for Shi Taifeng.
Liu Kewei, the chief secretary who followed Hu Chunhua for many years, served as Vice Chairman of Ningxia (2016-2023), and Shi Taifeng was the Secretary of Ningxia at the time, indicating that the two had a close relationship.
Hu Chunhua served as the Secretary of Inner Mongolia from 2009 to 2012, and Shi Taifeng served as the Secretary of Inner Mongolia from 2019 to 2022. The careers of the two intersected in Inner Mongolia. Yu Lixin, Shi Taifeng’s chief secretary in Inner Mongolia, participated in the training of the Central Party School during Hu Chunhua’s term and was qualified for promotion to the level of a full-time department head, which shows Hu Chunhua’s indirect support for Shi Taifeng’s team.
Shi Taifeng’s deep relationship with Hu Jintao and Hu Chunhua made him a core figure of the Hu faction. Shi Taifeng’s succession as the Minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee may be a signal that Hu Jintao is paving the way for Hu Chunhua to take over.
Shi Taifeng replaced Li Ganjie as the Minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee. This adjustment during the non-term change period broke the convention. Combined with Shi Taifeng’s deep relationship with Hu Jintao and Hu Chunhua, it may be that Hu Jintao is preparing for Hu Chunhua to take over Xi Jinping. The Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee controls personnel power. Shi Taifeng’s appointment means that Hu Jintao has already controlled this key position. He can clean up Xi Jinping’s faction through personnel adjustments, leaving no officials of Xi Jinping’s faction behind, and pave the way for Hu Chunhua to take over. Hu Chunhua, born in April 1963, is 62 years old. As a member of the 20th Central Committee and vice chairman of the 14th National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, Hu Chunhua’s qualifications and age are suitable for taking over as general secretary. Hu Chunhua was originally scheduled to succeed Xi Jinping as general secretary, but now he has been robbed of two years of his term by Xi Jinping. Now it is just returning the property to its original owner.
Jiang Mianheng’s appearance on the news broadcast on April 2, 2025 is not only an endorsement of Shi Taifeng’s succession as the Minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, but also a support for Hu Chunhua to take over as general secretary. The cooperation between Jiang Zemin’s political group and Hu Jintao’s group has already appeared in the anti-Xi campaign. Now it is clear. Jiang Mianheng’s appearance shows that the Jiang faction agrees with Xi Jinping’s resignation and supports the power change led by Hu Jintao. As Hu Jintao’s successor, Hu Chunhua may get compromise and support from the Jiang faction. The appearance of Jiang Mianheng is an open signal of this political deal.
Zou Xiaodong’s rumored promotion is a signal of the division of spoils between the two major political groups of Hu and Jiang
It is rumored that Zou Xiaodong replaced Jiang Xinzhi as the executive vice minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, indicating that the political groups of Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin have completed the power distribution. The Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee is a “duopoly system”, with Shi Taifeng, the top leader, from the Hu Jintao faction and Zou Xiaodong, the second in command, from the Jiang Zemin faction, sharing power, reflecting the compromise between the Hu and Jiang factions. Zou Xiaodong has a close relationship with Lu Yongxiang and Jiang Mianheng, and Zou Xiaodong is Lu Yongxiang’s descendant. Zou Xiaodong has become a representative of the Jiang faction, and Zou Xiaodong’s promotion may be the result of Hu Jintao fulfilling his promise to give the Jiang faction “half of the country”.
Netizens said that Zou Xiaodong is Li Qiang’s man. If true, it can only show that the current Chinese Premier Li Qiang is Jiang Zemin’s lackey. In 1987, 27-year-old Li Qiang was assigned to work at the Ministry of Civil Affairs of China. He may have had some contact with Zhang Dejiang, which conforms to my 35-year-old rule for ministerial-level officials. Li Qiang was promoted by Zhang Dejiang in Zhejiang. When Li Qiang met Xi Jinping, he was already like Yu Lixin, the chief secretary of Shi Taifeng, who was trained by Hu Chunhua. Li Qiang had been sent to the Central Party School by Zhang Dejiang to attend a training course and obtained the qualification for promotion to the vice-ministerial level. In other words, Li Qiang’s position as Xi Jinping’s chief secretary was just a political speculation by Jiang Zemin’s faction. Li Qiang was placed next to Xi Jinping as an undercover agent. Or in other words, it was to make Li Qiang familiar with the future general secretary and facilitate his promotion in the future. It is not enough to think that Li Qiang is Xi Jinping’s lackey just because he once served as Xi Jinping’s chief secretary. Moreover, Li Qiang later served as the chief secretary of the Jiang faction’s Zhao Hongzhu.
Shi Taifeng took over as the Minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee. Combined with Shi Taifeng’s deep relationship with Hu Jintao and Hu Chunhua, Shi Taifeng is 100% Hu Jintao’s iron-clad lackey. This is a signal that Hu Chunhua will take over the position of General Secretary Xi Jinping. Jiang Mianheng’s appearance on April 2, 2025 not only endorsed Shi Taifeng, but was more likely to support Hu Chunhua’s succession as general secretary. Zou Xiaodong was rumored to be promoted to executive vice minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, indicating that Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin’s political groups have already divided the spoils through backroom politics, and the “duopoly” structure of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee (Shi Taifeng and Zou Xiaodong) reflects the compromise between the two factions. If Li Qiang supports Zou Xiaodong, it further proves Li Qiang’s connection with the Jiang faction. The trend of Hu and Jiang’s joint anti-Xi campaign has been established, and the overall situation has been determined. Xi Jinping’s situation is over, and he may resign from the position of general secretary at the Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th CPC Central Committee on August 8.
END