习仲勋纪念馆改名，习近平习远平两兄弟被软禁。王立军题字被磨平。习近平下台，习仲勋吹捧待遇断崖式下降。周永康儿媳黄婉被边控
习仲勋纪念馆改名，习近平习远平两兄弟被软禁。王立军题字被磨平。习近平下台，习仲勋吹捧待遇断崖式下降。周永康儿媳黄婉被边控
大家好，
这名网友说，
包包，陕西富平关中革命纪念馆开馆是什么情况？
2025年5月24日，关中革命纪念馆在陕西省富平县开馆，表面上以纪念习仲勋为主，展陈内容集中展现了习仲勋所谓的的革命生涯和崇高风范，且开馆日选在习仲勋死亡23周年，习仲勋是2002年5月24日），时间安排颇具象征意义。然而，该纪念馆并没有以“习仲勋”命名，而是以地域性名称“关中”命名，这与中共以往高规格纪念习仲勋的惯例形成鲜明对比，表明习近平的权力地位已发生变化。
富平已有习仲勋纪念馆，新馆重复建设且不以习仲勋命名
富平县早在2006年4月就建成了一座习仲勋纪念馆，位于习仲勋陵园南侧，2018年翻新后建筑面积近2000平方米，馆藏文物363件，被列为陕西省爱国主义教育基地。而关中革命纪念馆虽也在富平，但是位于庄里试验区，地址不同。两座纪念馆均以纪念习仲勋为核心，但新馆没有以“习仲勋”命名，仅仅以“关中”冠名，而且看不出馆藏文物如何区分，存在重复建设之嫌。
在中共政治文化中，纪念馆命名通常反映政治意图。以个人命名的纪念馆，比如习仲勋纪念馆，是对其历史地位的最高肯定，而以地域命名，比如关中革命纪念馆，则显得更为笼统，可能有意淡化个人色彩。因为习仲勋在中共党史上的地位本来就不高。抬高习仲勋完全都是因为拍习近平马屁，现在习近平下台了，大家自然就唯恐避之不及。抬高习仲勋在中共党史的地位就是历史虚无主义，就是篡改党史，篡改历史。
2012年习仲勋诞辰100周年时，中共高调纪念，中央和地方联动，出版《习仲勋文集》等，凸显其地位。而2025年新馆不以习仲勋命名，可能是为降低其政治象征意义，间接反映习近平家族影响力下降。
过去十年，习仲勋的纪念活动规格往往与习近平的权力地位挂钩。2012年习近平上台后，习仲勋诞辰100周年活动规格极高，甘肃、广东等地高官云集，习远平频频出席，官媒大肆宣传，旨在为习近平的改革政策造势。2014年陕甘边区伪政权成立80周年纪念，甘肃省委书记王三运推动高规格活动，习远平排名仅次于王三运，显示习近平家族地位显赫。然而，2024年90周年纪念活动规格明显下降，参与高官数量减少，军方代表缺席，习远平的讲话也不再突出习仲勋，而是与其他革命人物并列，强调“与以习为核心的党中央保持高度一致”。这发生在2024年7月三中全会习近平丧失军权，马上下台的背景下，关中革命纪念馆的不命名选择可能进一步印证习近平丧失权力。
中共权力运作中，纪念活动和命名往往是政治风向标。习近平如果仍然牢牢掌控大权，新纪念馆更可能直接以“习仲勋”命名，以延续家族政治资本的象征意义。不以个人命名，可能是有意降低习仲勋的历史地位，间接削弱习近平的政治合法性基础。
关中革命纪念馆开馆当天，官方报道称有“革命先烈先辈亲属和干部群众代表”参观，但没有看到习家代表的身影，尤其是习远平的缺席，显得异常。结合习远平以往高调出席类似活动，这一缺席可能表明习远平已被软禁，与习近平的处境类似。
习远平作为习仲勋幼子，长期以家族代表身份出席纪念活动。2012年习仲勋诞辰100周年，习远平在甘肃、广东两地活动中频频露面，受到高规格礼遇。2014年陕甘边区伪政权成立80周年纪念，习远平排名仅次于甘肃省委书记王三运，显示其特殊地位。也就是习远平表面上没有任何职务，却享受仅次于省委书记的省长待遇。2019年85周年纪念，习远平仍出席并排名靠前。然而，2024年90周年纪念活动中，其地位已有所下降，讲话内容也不再突出习仲勋。而2025年关中革命纪念馆开馆，习远平完全缺席，连官媒报道中也没有提及习家代表，这与过去形成强烈反差。
中共政治中，家族代表的出席往往象征家族政治影响力的延续。习远平的缺席，可能表明习家已失去对这类活动的话语权，甚至可能受到限制。如果习远平没有被软禁，作为习仲勋唯一能公开现身的直系亲属，习远平理应出席以维护家族形象。缺席可能是被迫的，暗示习远平人身自由受限。
2024年7月三中全会后，习近平丧失了军权和党政大权。2025年5月26日，X平台上有帖子称“习仲勋纪念馆改名，中共开始清算‘习血统’”，虽然未经证实，但反映了舆论对习近平权力现状的猜测。习近平丧失大权，其家族成员可能受到牵连，习远平被软禁的说法并非空穴来风。中共权力斗争中，失势领导人的家族往往被限制行动，比如周永康的儿媳黄婉被边控。习远平的缺席，可能正是这一逻辑的延续。
这名网友说
內庫燒為錦繡灰，天街踏盡公卿骨。
我的回复是重庆市副市长王立军事发后不久，在重庆市国三局内，由王立军题写的剑盾硕大圆石随机被磨掉字迹。习仲勋纪念馆也一样，很快就要改名了。习仲勋这三个字要被凿掉。大家拭目以待，习近平肯定会被清算的。
这名网友说
胡春华还不是政治局委员，怎么也得有个程序增补一下吧？直接代理总书记？不太说的通。
这名网友回复，
四中增补，21大追认下。程序都小问题！
这名网友回复，
这个不重要，想当年邓屠夫被毛贬为普通党员，人家照样可以成为最高头目。
我的回复是，我只能说这个周伟明真的是先知，你说法治我都觉得有些好笑。胡锦涛能控盘的话，让谁上还不是胡锦涛一句话的事情。简单说，这是这么两句话，习近平掌权的话： 谁抓的苗华何卫东？张又侠连政治局常委都不是。
这名网友说，
说个事情，一年前，贴吧搜索帖子，无法搜陋习恶习这俩词，不知道从什么时候开始，现在能搜的到了😂
这名网友说，
消息滞后了哥们，现在b站这两天已经开始推流胡温，胡的影片在今年4月份左右集中出现，量不是很大，但是都是在这个时间段放松。而且一些胡的旧影片，底下的评论，上一次还是在2021年，也在5月份重新开放了一次评论。当然，你直接搜胡锦涛，还是搜不出来，要搜涛声依旧，或者搜胡温。
这名网友说，
我在推上对800哥留言的：盐碱地的大部分韭菜得到的福报都是少数几个韭菜用勇气甚至生命造就出来的！
这名网友说，
我今天b站上收到了很多推送胡锦涛的内容。确实好像变天了。
没有啊。
你多去刷刷。我一早上突然刷到，我也不在b站看政治新闻。里面赞扬，胡锦涛，李克强，吴邦国，温家宝，朱镕基。
确实，我今早在推荐界面推荐了至少6个这样的视频，有汪洋，有李克强，有胡锦涛，有胡春华，还有江泽民。
我是早上收到的。看来昨晚开始安排干的活。我收到的推送是胡锦涛居首，最多，还有温家宝，李克强，朱镕基，吴邦国，吴邦国也是团派吗？我不了解他。
朱镕基，吴邦国是保守派的，跟习近平是一条船上的，估计是这几个都放在一个index里面，代表政治内容 推荐系统一股脑拉出来。
根据大包的说法不是，但大包确实说过团派江派合作了。
我的回复是，我没有中国的社交媒体。我也不知道，感谢这些网友告诉我。以前在中国的时候，我每天都要翻墙，其实也没什么可看的。当时我就知道，即便翻墙出来，看的好多东西也是大外宣的东西。
但是，
即便什么都不看，也需要翻墙，就是那种自由的感觉。就是我可以不看，我不是天天要看，但是我想看的时候，可以看到。每次墙封锁的特别严，暂时没法翻墙的时候，就特别的愤怒。特别的恐惧，离开中国没法有那种感觉了。
即便我知道中共有多坏，有多残忍，但是，知道和体验，这是两个概念。就是现在我没法天天体验中共给我造成的愤怒和恐惧。对中国社交媒体发生事情，我真的不太清楚。
这名网友说，
八百哥也不值得鼓励，他辞职要求财务立即支付剩余工资，企业财务只是让他等两天领导审批而已。中国情绪不稳定的人太多了，可以说不健康的社会扭曲了人性，但林子大了啥鸟都有，更不应该让企业去承担这一切。
我的回复是，按照中国逻辑，我应该回复你，怎么别的企业没事儿，别的企业不用承担这一切呢？
这名网友说，
大包怎么看七月的网证网号制度，这是团派的路线么。
还有最近传的收紧出境政策。
网络实名制就是胡锦涛搞出来的，都是共产党，别有幻想，邓小平和陈云的区别无非是社会主义市场经济和鸟笼经济的区别。
这么说来，我们今天讨论谁上谁下好像也没有任何意义了，谁上都一样。
谁上都一样。
面瘫保党，习垃圾企图家天下。都不会为老百姓着想。
有一点点区别，但不是特别大，关键还是国民素质，扪心自问，对国民素质有自信吗？
我的回复是，中国没有选票，当然不能决定谁上，习近平上还是胡春华上。即便有选票，一张选票也不能决定结果呀。共产党当然不喜欢你去讨论谁上谁下，所以采取搞黑箱政治，你讨论本身就是在撕破共产党的黑箱政治。这玩意不能一口吃成个胖子。不要高看共产党，中国10亿人口不需要1亿人口反对共产党，共产党就得倒台。有5千万，8千万的人反对共产党，共产党就得倒台。
好的，谢谢大家
英文翻译
Xi Zhongxun Memorial Hall was renamed, and Xi Jinping and Xi Yuanping were placed under house arrest. Wang Lijun’s inscription was worn away. Xi Jinping stepped down, and Xi Zhongxun’s flattery treatment plummeted. Zhou Yongkang’s daughter-in-law Huang Wan was placed under border control
Hello everyone,
This netizen said,
Bao Bao, what is the situation with the opening of the Guanzhong Revolutionary Memorial Hall in Fuping, Shaanxi?
On May 24, 2025, the Guanzhong Revolutionary Memorial Hall opened in Fuping County, Shaanxi Province. On the surface, it was mainly to commemorate Xi Zhongxun. The exhibition content focused on Xi Zhongxun’s so-called revolutionary career and noble demeanor. The opening date was chosen on the 23rd anniversary of Xi Zhongxun’s death (Xi Zhongxun was May 24, 2002), and the time arrangement was quite symbolic. However, the memorial hall was not named “Xi Zhongxun”, but the regional name “Guanzhong”, which is in sharp contrast to the CCP’s previous high-profile commemoration of Xi Zhongxun, indicating that Xi Jinping’s power status has changed.
Fuping already has a Xi Zhongxun Memorial Hall, and the new hall is duplicated and not named after Xi Zhongxun
As early as April 2006, Fuping County built a Xi Zhongxun Memorial Hall, located on the south side of the Xi Zhongxun Mausoleum. After renovation in 2018, the building area is nearly 2,000 square meters, with 363 cultural relics in the collection, and it is listed as a patriotic education base in Shaanxi Province. Although the Guanzhong Revolutionary Memorial Hall is also in Fuping, it is located in the Zhuangli Experimental Zone and has a different address. Both memorial halls are centered on commemorating Xi Zhongxun, but the new hall is not named “Xi Zhongxun”, but only named “Guanzhong”, and it is unclear how to distinguish the cultural relics in the collection, which is suspected of duplicate construction.
In the political culture of the Communist Party of China, the naming of memorial halls usually reflects political intentions. Memorial halls named after individuals, such as the Xi Zhongxun Memorial Hall, are the highest affirmation of their historical status, while those named after regions, such as the Guanzhong Revolutionary Memorial Hall, appear more general and may intentionally downplay personal color. Because Xi Zhongxun’s status in the history of the Communist Party of China was not high. The reason for elevating Xi Zhongxun is entirely to flatter Xi Jinping. Now that Xi Jinping has stepped down, everyone is naturally afraid to avoid him. Elevating Xi Zhongxun’s status in the history of the Communist Party of China is historical nihilism, which is to tamper with the history of the party and the history.
In 2012, when Xi Zhongxun celebrated his 100th birthday, the Communist Party of China held a high-profile commemoration, and the central and local governments jointly published the “Collected Works of Xi Zhongxun” to highlight his status. The new museum in 2025 will not be named after Xi Zhongxun, which may be to reduce its political symbolic significance and indirectly reflect the decline of Xi Jinping’s family influence.
In the past decade, the specifications of Xi Zhongxun’s commemorative activities have often been linked to Xi Jinping’s power and status. After Xi Jinping came to power in 2012, the specifications of the 100th anniversary of Xi Zhongxun’s birth were extremely high. Senior officials from Gansu, Guangdong and other places gathered, Xi Yuanping frequently attended, and the official media made a big fuss about it, aiming to build momentum for Xi Jinping’s reform policies. In 2014, the 80th anniversary of the establishment of the pseudo-regime in the Shaanxi-Gansu Border Region was celebrated. Wang Sanyun, secretary of the Gansu Provincial Party Committee, promoted high-profile activities, and Xi Yuanping ranked second only to Wang Sanyun, showing the prominent status of the Xi Jinping family. However, the 90th anniversary commemoration in 2024 has obviously declined in specifications, with fewer senior officials participating and military representatives absent. Xi Yuanping’s speech no longer highlights Xi Zhongxun, but instead lists him with other revolutionary figures, emphasizing “maintaining a high degree of consistency with the Party Central Committee with Xi as the core.” This happened in the context of Xi Jinping’s loss of military power at the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee in July 2024 and his imminent resignation. The choice of not naming the Guanzhong Revolutionary Memorial Hall may further confirm Xi Jinping’s loss of power.
In the operation of the CCP’s power, commemorative activities and naming are often political weathervanes. If Xi Jinping still holds power firmly, the new memorial hall is more likely to be directly named “Xi Zhongxun” to continue the symbolic significance of the family’s political capital. Not naming it after an individual may be an intentional attempt to lower Xi Zhongxun’s historical status and indirectly weaken Xi Jinping’s political legitimacy.
On the day of the opening of the Guanzhong Revolutionary Memorial Hall, official reports said that “relatives of revolutionary martyrs and representatives of cadres and masses” visited, but no representatives of the Xi family were seen, especially the absence of Xi Yuanping, which seemed unusual. Combined with Xi Yuanping’s previous high-profile attendance at similar events, this absence may indicate that Xi Yuanping has been under house arrest, similar to Xi Jinping’s situation.
As the youngest son of Xi Zhongxun, Xi Yuanping has long attended commemorative activities as a family representative. In 2012, on the 100th anniversary of Xi Zhongxun’s birth, Xi Yuanping frequently appeared in activities in Gansu and Guangdong and received high-level courtesy. In 2014, at the 80th anniversary of the establishment of the pseudo-regime in the Shaanxi-Gansu Border Region, Xi Yuanping ranked second only to Wang Sanyun, secretary of the Gansu Provincial Party Committee, showing his special status. In other words, Xi Yuanping does not have any position on the surface, but enjoys the treatment of a governor second only to the provincial party secretary. In 2019, at the 85th anniversary, Xi Yuanping still attended and ranked high. However, in the 90th anniversary commemoration in 2024, his status has declined, and the content of his speech no longer highlights Xi Zhongxun. However, when the Guanzhong Revolutionary Memorial Hall opened in 2025, Xi Yuanping was completely absent, and even the official media reports did not mention Xi family representatives, which was in sharp contrast to the past.
In CCP politics, the presence of family representatives often symbolizes the continuation of family political influence. Xi Yuanping’s absence may indicate that the Xi family has lost its voice in such activities and may even be restricted. If Xi Yuanping was not under house arrest, as the only direct relative of Xi Zhongxun who could appear in public, Xi Yuanping should have attended to maintain the family image. The absence may have been forced, suggesting that Xi Yuanping’s personal freedom was restricted.
After the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee in July 2024, Xi Jinping lost his military power and party and government power. On May 26, 2025, a post on the X platform said that “Xi Zhongxun Memorial Hall was renamed and the CCP began to liquidate the ‘Xi bloodline'”. Although it has not been confirmed, it reflects public opinion’s speculation on Xi Jinping’s power status. Xi Jinping has lost power, and his family members may be implicated. The claim that Xi Yuanping is under house arrest is not groundless. In the power struggle of the Communist Party of China, the families of leaders who lost power are often restricted from moving, such as Zhou Yongkang’s daughter-in-law Huang Wan who was placed under border control. Xi Yuanping’s absence may be a continuation of this logic.
This netizen said
The inner treasury was burned to ashes, and the bones of nobles were trampled on the streets.
My reply was that shortly after the incident of Chongqing Vice Mayor Wang Lijun, the huge round stone of the sword and shield inscribed by Wang Lijun in the Chongqing Municipal Bureau No. 3 was randomly worn away. The same is true for the Xi Zhongxun Memorial Hall, which will soon be renamed. The three characters “Xi Zhongxun” will be chiseled off. Everyone wait and see, Xi Jinping will definitely be liquidated.
This netizen said
Hu Chunhua is not a member of the Politburo yet, there must be a procedure to add him, right? Directly acting as general secretary? It doesn’t make sense.
This netizen replied,
Added at the Fourth Plenary Session, and recognized at the 21st National Congress. The procedures are all minor issues!
The netizen replied,
This is not important. Think about the time when Deng the Butcher was demoted to an ordinary party member by Mao, he could still become the top leader.
My reply is, I can only say that Zhou Weiming is really a prophet. I find it a little funny that you talk about the rule of law. If Hu Jintao can control the situation, it is not a matter of Hu Jintao’s words to decide who to put in power. Simply put, these are the two sentences. If Xi Jinping is in power: Who arrested Miao Hua and He Weidong? Zhang Youxia is not even a member of the Politburo Standing Committee.
The netizen said,
Let me tell you something. A year ago, when searching for posts on Tieba, the two words “bad habits” could not be searched. I don’t know when it started, but now they can be searched 😂
The netizen said,
The news is delayed, buddy. Now B station has started to promote Hu and Wen in the past two days. Hu’s videos appeared in large numbers around April this year. The volume is not large, but they are all relaxed during this period. Moreover, the comments below some of Hu’s old videos were last opened in 2021, and the comments were reopened in May. Of course, if you search directly for Hu Jintao, you still can’t find it. You have to search for Taoshengyijiu or Hu Wen.
This netizen said,
I left a message to Brother 800 on Twitter: Most of the leeks in the saline-alkali land have received blessings created by a few leeks with courage and even life!
This netizen said,
I received a lot of push content about Hu Jintao on B station today. It really seems that the world has changed.
No.
You should check it more. I suddenly saw it this morning, and I don’t watch political news on B station. It praises Hu Jintao, Li Keqiang, Wu Bangguo, Wen Jiabao, and Zhu Rongji.
Indeed, I recommended at least 6 such videos on the recommendation interface this morning, including Wang Yang, Li Keqiang, Hu Jintao, Hu Chunhua, and Jiang Zemin.
I received it in the morning. It seems that the work was arranged last night. The push notifications I received were from Hu Jintao, who was at the top, followed by Wen Jiabao, Li Keqiang, Zhu Rongji, and Wu Bangguo. Was Wu Bangguo also from the Youth League? I don’t know him.
Zhu Rongji and Wu Bangguo are conservatives, and they are on the same boat with Xi Jinping. I guess they are all put in the same index, and the political content recommendation system pulls them all out at once.
According to Dabao, it’s not, but Dabao did say that the Youth League and the Jiang faction have cooperated.
My reply was that I don’t have any Chinese social media. I don’t know either, and I’m grateful to these netizens for telling me. When I was in China before, I had to climb over the firewall every day, but there was actually nothing to see. At that time, I knew that even if I climbed over the firewall, many of the things I saw were propaganda.
However,
even if I didn’t see anything, I still needed to climb over the firewall, because it was a feeling of freedom. I could choose not to see it, and I didn’t have to see it every day, but I could see it when I wanted to. Every time the firewall was blocked very tightly and I couldn’t climb over the firewall for the time being, I was very angry. I was very scared, and I couldn’t have that feeling after leaving China.
Even though I know how bad and cruel the CCP is, knowing and experiencing are two different concepts. Now I can’t experience the anger and fear that the CCP has caused me every day. I really don’t know much about what happened on Chinese social media.
This netizen said,
Eight Hundred Brother is not worthy of encouragement. He resigned and asked the finance department to pay the remaining salary immediately. The company’s finance department just asked him to wait for two days for the approval of the leader. There are too many emotionally unstable people in China. It can be said that an unhealthy society distorts human nature, but there are all kinds of birds in the forest, and companies should not be asked to bear all this.
My reply is, according to Chinese logic, I should reply to you, why are other companies fine, and other companies don’t have to bear all this?
This netizen said,
What does Dabao think of the July online certificate and number system? Is this the line of the Youth League?
There is also the recent tightening of exit policies.
The Internet real-name system was created by Hu Jintao. They are all Communists. Don’t have illusions. The difference between Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun is nothing more than the difference between the socialist market economy and the birdcage economy.
In this way, it seems that there is no point in discussing who will be in power today. It doesn’t matter who is in power.
It doesn’t matter who is in power.
Xi Jinping is just trying to protect the party, while Xi Jinping is just trying to rule the country. Neither of them cares about the people.
There is a little difference, but it is not very big. The key is the quality of the people. Ask yourself, are you confident in the quality of the people?
My reply is that China does not have ballots, so of course it cannot decide who will be in power, whether Xi Jinping or Hu Chunhua. Even if there are ballots, one ballot cannot decide the result. The Communist Party certainly does not like you to discuss who will be in power, so it adopts black box politics. Your discussion itself is tearing apart the black box politics of the Communist Party. This thing cannot be eaten in one bite. Don’t overestimate the Communist Party. China does not need 100 million people to oppose the Communist Party with a population of 1 billion, and the Communist Party will fall. If there are 50 million or 80 million people opposing the Communist Party, the Communist Party will fall.
OK, thank you everyone
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