泽连斯基赖清德宣布习近平下台。邓小平南巡接见汪洋。邓小平南巡是向谁喊话？
泽连斯基赖清德宣布习近平下台。邓小平南巡接见汪洋。邓小平南巡是向谁喊话？
大家好，
这名网友说，
蔡霞已经打脸蔡某某了，明确石泰峰是胡一派的：石泰峰是2001年被提拔为党校副校长的，胡锦涛是1992年10月-2002年10月任十四届、十五届中共中央常委时兼任中央党校校长，是胡锦涛提拔石泰峰当党校副校长。石泰峰曾经在曾庆红校长领导下工作，但石泰峰不是曾庆红提拔的。
我的回复是，这不都是老蔡家的人，怎么还掐起来了。这些时间线都是客观的事实，谁都可以查到，谁可以看到。
这名网友说，
那个蔡某某彻底被我定义为大外宣了。最新又说什么习近平以退为进，依然大权在握。丁薛祥接烫手山芋任一把手。真的没逻辑，太扯了。
我的回复是，
我早就说了，这是逻辑的悖论，习近平还能把自己人扶上马他就不会下台。他还有这个本事，自己接着干，自己终身连任，他不香吗？这些都是基本的逻辑判断的问题，丁薛祥是不是习近平大秘。给栗战书洗地都比给丁薛祥洗地容易，虽然栗战书也是习近平的马仔。但是栗战书是第一个任期的中办主任。还能说可能是胡锦涛或者江泽民的人。实际上，栗战书就是习近平的人。丁薛祥都已经是习近平第二个任期的中办主任了。还能说不是习近平，怎么解释。和习近平大权在握不矛盾吗？一点逻辑都没有。
赵克志是习近平第二个任期的公安部长。
郭声琨是习近平第二个任期的政法委书记。
第一个任期郭声琨是公安部长。
两个刀把子公安部长就是政法委副书记，政法委书记和副书记都不是习近平的人，那习近平怎么掌权的？大外宣一边说，习近平大权在握，一边说刀把子不是习近平的人。胡锦涛江泽民在发动军事政变之前，只能试图掌握一些公安部的副部长，来掌握一些刀把子的权力。
这名网友说，
一会胡春华，一会汪洋，一会丁薛祥，一会陈吉宁
我的回复是
还有更奇葩的说法呢，张又侠成为中国实际的领导人。张又侠掌握军权还说得过去，党务，政务，张又侠根本没有任何资源。张又侠怎么成为中国的实际领导人呢？只能是胡锦涛，不可能是别人。
邓小平死了之后，胡锦涛2004年从江泽民手中抢到了军委主席。20年后，江泽民也死了。2024年胡锦涛又从习近平手中抢到军权。军委主席两连杀，外界的刻板印象居然还是胡锦涛软弱，没有权力。
我都说了胡锦涛一首好牌给打臭了。胡锦涛继承的是所谓改革开放之后中国最大的军事和政治集团，邓小平集团的资源。胡锦涛没有权力，那么邓小平也没有权力吗？中国到底谁在掌权呢？胡锦涛继承的是邓小平的政治资产。
这名网友说
邓小平南巡的时候在蚌埠亲自接见了当时全国最年轻市长汪洋。
我们看这一段描述，我给大家分析一下，
这些都是毒鸡汤，都是假的，共产党的洗脑宣传不要相信。1989年六四事件之后，中国自1978年以来推行的改革开放政策一度停滞，1991年，时任铜陵市长的汪洋冒着政治风险主导了一场大讨论，并且在《铜陵日报》上以“龚声”为笔名发表揭短亮丑，呼吁改革的文章《醒来，铜陵！》，呼吁“改革大潮汹涌澎拜。历史不允许我们躺在计划经济上酣睡了。必须解放思想，向一切僵化、陈腐、封闭的思想观念开刀。”人民日报随后发表社论《醒来，不仅仅是铜陵》进行呼应。此举使他名声大噪。1992年初，邓小平南巡返程路过安徽蚌埠在接见安徽省领导时特意点名要求他参加会议，并称赞他是个人才。汪洋也因此进入中组部后备干部名单。
邓小平的南巡讲话不是这么理解的，这些都是共产党洗脑的毒鸡汤。我们一搜索邓小平南巡，就提示，邓小平南巡针对谁。
我们看
邓小平的讲话归纳为4点，
一：只有改革开放才能救中国，胡耀邦、赵紫阳在经济工作上的成绩应该肯定。
二：发展才是硬道理，不要争论社会主义和资本主义。
三：经济发展要保持一定速度。
四：左的思想影响恶劣，谁不改革谁下台。
到底谁下台了呢，我们看时间线就可以了。1992年1月17日，邓小平、邓楠等乘坐专用列车从北京出发。1992年10月9日，薄一波主持中顾委最后一次全体会议，会议一致通过了中顾委向中共十四大的工作报告[8]。1992年10月18日，中国共产党第十四次全国代表大会通过了关于中央顾问委员会工作报告的决议，同意不再设立中央顾问委员会的建议，中央顾问委员会遂走入历史。这不是很明显嘛？陈云和薄一波下台了。
1992年10月19日，十四大，谁下台了？姚依林，宋平下去了。朱镕基，刘华清，胡锦涛上来了。朱镕基还是陈云的人，陈云的退二进一。刘华清和胡锦涛是邓小平的人。刘华清带枪进常委，再加上军委副主席张震，保证江泽民交权给胡锦涛。
邓小平说的很清楚，谁不改革谁下台。最后到底谁下台了？陈云，薄一波，姚依林，宋平，新的四人帮下台了。江泽民没下台啊。大外宣都是睁眼说瞎话，反常识。
我们看，
18日上午10点31分，列车到达武昌火车站，中共湖北省委书记关广富、湖北省省长郭树言、中共湖北省委副书记兼中共武汉市委书记钱运录特地迎接。邓和数人就在月台上一边来回走动一边聊天，半小时后邓小平上车。关广富、郭树言、钱运录随后在武昌火车站贵宾厅，由钱运录作笔录将谈话内容记下。最后邓小平要求将自己的话原汁原味地转告给北京当局。
谁是北京当局呢？关广富，熊清泉都是陈云的马仔。邓小平要关广富把自己的话，原汁原味转告给陈云。
关广富的老板是陈云。
这个毒鸡汤写的好像是汪洋发表一篇支持改革的文章。说的好像以前不认识汪洋，汪洋发表了改革的文章。才引起邓小平的注意。这就是扯淡。我说了35岁正部级定律，1992年汪洋37岁，感觉和35岁差不多。其实不是。安徽第一任省委书记曾希圣就是邓小平的铁杆马仔。
曾希圣在‘大跃进’期间积极推行极左路线，导致数以百万计的农民在三年大饥荒时期饿死。但是，曾希圣1968年就死了，他怎么提拔的汪洋呢？曾希圣虽然死了，但是曾希圣的秘书郑锐还活着呢，1980年代先后担任合肥市委书记。当时还有一个副省长叫做孟富林，和郑锐关系很近。汪洋到底是不是郑锐或者孟富林提拔的我也不知道，1980年代的资料也不太好找。我没有破解汪洋安徽到底是谁提拔的。
我说这条线索的意思，就是汪洋不是发表了一篇支持改革的文章，邓小平才提拔他的。这就是毒鸡汤。汪洋如果确定是邓小平的人，说明安徽有邓小平的马仔提拔的汪洋。是这样的逻辑。不要被这些洗脑的文章骗了。
近期，台湾总统赖清德、乌克兰总统泽连斯基以及新加坡前总理李显龙夫人何晶对中共及习近平的公开批评，标志着国际社会对华态度的一次显著转变。这些表态并非孤立事件，而是反映出各国领导人可能感知到习近平权力弱化的信号，即将下台，从而敢于大胆批评中共及其领导人。
地缘政治的紧张局势为各国领导人提供了批评中共的契机。赖清德于2025年3月13日指控中共为“境外敌对势力”，强调中共“并吞台湾”的威胁。这一强硬表态与中共近年加大对台军事压力直接相关，例如2024年扣押台湾渔船及频繁军演。然而，赖清德的底气可能源于对习近平权力受限的判断。2024年底，网上流传关于习近平可能在中共四中全会面临逼宫的传言，胡春华等改革派上台，尽管未获官方证实，但此类信息可能通过情报渠道传至台湾，促使赖清德抓住时机强化“反共”立场，以巩固国内支持并争取美日欧盟的进一步背书。同样，泽连斯基2025年4月指控中共为俄罗斯“最大帮凶”并制裁其公司，可能基于类似判断。俄乌战争中，中共与俄罗斯的“无上限”伙伴关系令乌克兰不满，而习近平如果因为中国内部的权力斗争，无暇应对外交压力，泽连斯基可能认为此时批评中共风险较低，同时能争取西方更多军援。何晶转发批评习近平为“黑帮老大”的文章，尽管是个人行为，但作为新加坡政坛关键人物，何晶的举动可能反映对中共外交影响力下降的感知，尤其在东南亚国家警惕“一带一路”债务陷阱的背景下。
国际舆论环境的转变为各国批评中共提供了有利条件。2025年，美国特朗普政府重启对华关税战，欧盟加强对“一带一路”审查，全球对“中共威胁论”的接受度上升。赖清德的“敌对势力”言论契合美西方遏制中共的战略，借助美日军售及联合军演的背书。泽连斯基的指控通过西方媒体放大，将其塑造成对抗中俄轴心的先锋，符合西方制裁俄罗斯的叙事。何晶的转发引发社交媒体热议，显示信息战在塑造反共舆论中的作用。新加坡作为美中平衡者，其精英的公开批评可能暗示对习近平外交策略的失望，认为其权力弱化不足以反制区域反弹。
综上所述，赖清德、泽连斯基和何晶对中共及习近平的公开批评，可能是各国领导人感知到习近平权力弱化的结果。地缘政治紧张、经济摩擦、习近平国内权力受挑战以及国际舆论转向，共同促使各国敢于大胆发声。未来，如果美中对抗加剧或者习近平丧失权力，类似批评可能增多。习近平的权力动态将是关键变量，需密切关注中共四中全会及党内派系变化。
好的，谢谢大家。
英文翻译
Zelensky and Lai Qingde announced Xi Jinping’s resignation. Deng Xiaoping met with Wang Yang during his southern tour. Who was Deng Xiaoping calling out to during his southern tour?
Hello everyone,
This netizen said,
Cai Xia has slapped Cai XX in the face, and made it clear that Shi Taifeng is from Hu’s faction: Shi Taifeng was promoted to vice president of the Party School in 2001. Hu Jintao served as president of the Central Party School when he served as a member of the Standing Committee of the 14th and 15th CPC Central Committee from October 1992 to October 2002. It was Hu Jintao who promoted Shi Taifeng to vice president of the Party School. Shi Taifeng once worked under the leadership of President Zeng Qinghong, but Shi Taifeng was not promoted by Zeng Qinghong.
My reply is, aren’t they all from the old Cai family? Why are they fighting? These timelines are objective facts, and anyone can check and see them.
This netizen said,
That Cai XX has been completely defined by me as a big foreign propaganda. The latest thing is that Xi Jinping is retreating to advance and still holds power. Ding Xuexiang took over the hot potato and became the top leader. It’s really illogical and ridiculous.
My reply is,
I have said it long ago, this is a logical paradox, Xi Jinping can still put his own people on the horse so he will not step down. He still has the ability to do it himself and be re-elected for life, isn’t it good? These are all basic logical judgment questions, is Ding Xuexiang Xi Jinping’s top secretary? It is easier to whitewash Li Zhanshu than Ding Xuexiang, although Li Zhanshu is also Xi Jinping’s henchman. But Li Zhanshu was the director of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee in his first term. It can still be said that he may be someone of Hu Jintao or Jiang Zemin. In fact, Li Zhanshu is Xi Jinping’s person. Ding Xuexiang is already the director of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee in Xi Jinping’s second term. It can still be said that he is not Xi Jinping, how to explain it. Doesn’t it contradict Xi Jinping’s power? There is no logic at all.
Zhao Kezhi was the Minister of Public Security in Xi Jinping’s second term.
Guo Shengkun was the Secretary of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission in Xi Jinping’s second term.
Guo Shengkun was the Minister of Public Security in his first term.
The two knife-wielding ministers of public security are the deputy secretaries of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission. The secretary and deputy secretary of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission are not Xi Jinping’s people. How did Xi Jinping come to power? The big foreign propaganda said that Xi Jinping is in power, while saying that the knife-wielding ministers are not Xi Jinping’s people. Before launching a military coup, Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin could only try to control some deputy ministers of the Ministry of Public Security to control some knife-wielding powers.
This netizen said,
One moment Hu Chunhua, one moment Wang Yang, one moment Ding Xuexiang, and one moment Chen Jining
My reply is
There is an even more bizarre saying that Zhang Youxia has become the actual leader of China. It is reasonable for Zhang Youxia to control military power. Zhang Youxia has no resources at all for party affairs and government affairs. How did Zhang Youxia become the actual leader of China? It can only be Hu Jintao, not anyone else. Legal services
After Deng Xiaoping died, Hu Jintao snatched the chairman of the Military Commission from Jiang Zemin in 2004. 20 years later, Jiang Zemin also died. In 2024, Hu Jintao snatched military power from Xi Jinping again. The CMC Chairman was killed twice in a row, but the outside world’s stereotype is that Hu Jintao is weak and has no power.
I have said that Hu Jintao played a good hand badly. Hu Jintao inherited the resources of the Deng Xiaoping Group, the largest military and political group in China after the so-called reform and opening up. Hu Jintao has no power, so does Deng Xiaoping have no power? Who is in power in China? Hu Jintao inherited Deng Xiaoping’s political assets.
This netizen said
Deng Xiaoping personally met with Wang Yang, the youngest mayor in the country at that time, in Bengbu during his southern tour.
Let’s look at this description and analyze it for you.
These are all poisonous chicken soups, all fake, and don’t believe in the brainwashing propaganda of the Communist Party. After the June 4th Incident in 1989, China’s reform and opening-up policy since 1978 was stagnant for a time. In 1991, Wang Yang, then mayor of Tongling, took political risks and led a major discussion. He also published an article “Wake up, Tongling!” in the Tongling Daily under the pen name “Gong Sheng” to expose shortcomings and call for reform. ”, calling for “the surging tide of reform. History will not allow us to sleep soundly on the planned economy. We must emancipate our minds and attack all rigid, outdated and closed ideas and concepts.” The People’s Daily subsequently published an editorial “Wake up, not just Tongling” to echo. This move made him famous. In early 1992, Deng Xiaoping passed by Bengbu, Anhui on his way back from his southern tour. When he met with Anhui provincial leaders, he specifically asked him to attend the meeting and praised him as a talent. Wang Yang was also included in the list of reserve cadres of the Organization Department of the Central Committee.
Deng Xiaoping’s southern tour speech is not understood in this way. These are all poisonous chicken soup for brainwashing by the Communist Party. As soon as we searched for Deng Xiaoping’s southern tour, it prompted us to ask who Deng Xiaoping’s southern tour was targeting.
Let’s see
Deng Xiaoping’s speech can be summarized into 4 points,
One: Only reform and opening up can save China, and Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang’s achievements in economic work should be affirmed.
Two: Development is the hard truth, don’t argue about socialism and capitalism.
Three: Economic development must maintain a certain speed.
Fourth: Leftist ideology has a bad influence. Whoever does not reform will step down.
Who stepped down? We can just look at the timeline. On January 17, 1992, Deng Xiaoping, Deng Nan and others left Beijing on a special train. On October 9, 1992, Bo Yibo presided over the last plenary meeting of the Central Advisory Commission, which unanimously passed the Central Advisory Commission’s work report to the 14th National Congress of the Communist Party of China[8]. On October 18, 1992, the 14th National Congress of the Communist Party of China passed a resolution on the work report of the Central Advisory Commission and agreed to the proposal to no longer establish the Central Advisory Commission. The Central Advisory Commission then became history. Isn’t this obvious? Chen Yun and Bo Yibo stepped down.
On October 19, 1992, at the 14th National Congress, who stepped down? Yao Yilin and Song Ping stepped down. Zhu Rongji, Liu Huaqing and Hu Jintao stepped up. Zhu Rongji was still Chen Yun’s man, and Chen Yun’s man was stepping back. Liu Huaqing and Hu Jintao were Deng Xiaoping’s men. Liu Huaqing brought a gun into the Standing Committee, and together with Zhang Zhen, the Vice Chairman of the Military Commission, Jiang Zemin was guaranteed to hand over power to Hu Jintao.
Deng Xiaoping made it very clear that whoever did not reform would step down. Who stepped down in the end? Chen Yun, Bo Yibo, Yao Yilin, Song Ping, the new Gang of Four stepped down. Jiang Zemin did not step down. The big foreign propaganda was all lies, contrary to common sense.
Let’s see,
At 10:31 am on the 18th, the train arrived at Wuchang Railway Station. Guan Guangfu, Secretary of the Hubei Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China, Guo Shuyan, Governor of Hubei Province, and Qian Yunlu, Deputy Secretary of the Hubei Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China and Secretary of the Wuhan Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China, specially greeted them. Deng and several people walked back and forth on the platform while chatting. Half an hour later, Deng Xiaoping got on the train. Guan Guangfu, Guo Shuyan, and Qian Yunlu then went to the VIP lounge of Wuchang Railway Station, and Qian Yunlu took notes of the conversation. Finally, Deng Xiaoping asked to convey his words to the Beijing authorities in their original form.
Who are the Beijing authorities? Guan Guangfu and Xiong Qingquan were both Chen Yun’s lackeys. Deng Xiaoping asked Guan Guangfu to convey his words to Chen Yun in their original form.
Guan Guangfu’s boss was Chen Yun.
This toxic chicken soup seems to be written about Wang Yang publishing an article supporting reform. It is as if Wang Yang did not know him before, and Wang Yang published an article on reform. That is why he attracted Deng Xiaoping’s attention. This is nonsense. I mentioned the 35-year-old ministerial level law. In 1992, Wang Yang was 37 years old, which felt about the same as 35 years old. In fact, he was not. Zeng Xisheng, the first secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee, was Deng Xiaoping’s iron-clad lackey.
Zeng Xisheng actively promoted the extreme left line during the “Great Leap Forward”, causing millions of farmers to starve to death during the three-year famine. However, Zeng Xisheng died in 1968, so how did he promote Wang Yang? Although Zeng Xisheng is dead, Zeng Xisheng’s secretary Zheng Rui is still alive and served as the secretary of the Hefei Municipal Party Committee in the 1980s. At that time, there was another vice governor named Meng Fulin, who was very close to Zheng Rui. I don’t know whether Wang Yang was promoted by Zheng Rui or Meng Fulin, and it is not easy to find information from the 1980s. I have not figured out who promoted Wang Yang in Anhui.
What I mean by this clue is that Deng Xiaoping did not promote Wang Yang because he published an article supporting reform. This is poisonous chicken soup. If Wang Yang is confirmed to be Deng Xiaoping’s man, it means that Deng Xiaoping’s lackeys in Anhui promoted Wang Yang. This is the logic. Don’t be fooled by these brainwashing articles.
Recently, Taiwan President Lai Ching-te, Ukrainian President Zelensky, and Ho Ching, wife of former Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, publicly criticized the CCP and Xi Jinping, marking a significant change in the international community’s attitude towards China. These statements are not isolated incidents, but reflect that leaders of various countries may have sensed the signal that Xi Jinping’s power is weakening and he is about to step down, so they dare to boldly criticize the CCP and its leaders.
Geopolitical tensions provide leaders of various countries with an opportunity to criticize the CCP. On March 13, 2025, Lai Ching-te accused the CCP of being a “hostile force abroad” and emphasized the CCP’s threat to “annex Taiwan.” This tough statement is directly related to the CCP’s increased military pressure on Taiwan in recent years, such as the seizure of Taiwanese fishing boats and frequent military exercises in 2024. However, Lai Ching-te’s confidence may come from his judgment that Xi Jinping’s power is limited. At the end of 2024, rumors circulated online that Xi Jinping might face a palace coup at the Fourth Plenary Session of the CCP Central Committee, and reformists such as Hu Chunhua came to power. Although it has not been officially confirmed, such information may have been transmitted to Taiwan through intelligence channels, prompting Lai Ching-te to seize the opportunity to strengthen his “anti-communist” stance in order to consolidate domestic support and win further endorsements from the United States, Japan and the European Union. Similarly, Zelensky’s accusation in April 2025 that the CCP was Russia’s “biggest accomplice” and sanctioned its companies may be based on similar judgments. During the Russo-Ukrainian war, the CCP’s “unlimited” partnership with Russia made Ukraine dissatisfied. If Xi Jinping was too busy to deal with diplomatic pressure due to the power struggle within China, Zelensky may think that criticizing the CCP at this time is less risky and can also win more military aid from the West. Although Ho Ching’s forwarding of an article criticizing Xi Jinping as a “gangster boss” was a personal act, as a key figure in Singapore’s political arena, Ho Ching’s move may reflect the perception of the decline of the CCP’s diplomatic influence, especially in the context of Southeast Asian countries being wary of the debt trap of the “Belt and Road Initiative”.
The change in the international public opinion environment provides favorable conditions for countries to criticize the CCP. In 2025, the Trump administration of the United States restarted the tariff war with China, the European Union strengthened its review of the “Belt and Road Initiative”, and the global acceptance of the “CCP threat theory” increased. Lai Ching-te’s “hostile forces” remarks are in line with the US and Western strategies to contain the CCP, with the endorsement of US-Japan arms sales and joint military exercises. Zelensky’s accusations were amplified by Western media, shaping him into a pioneer against the Sino-Russian axis, which is in line with the Western narrative of sanctions against Russia. Ho Ching’s forwarding triggered heated discussions on social media, showing the role of information warfare in shaping anti-communist public opinion. As a balancer between the United States and China, Singapore’s elites’ public criticism may imply disappointment with Xi Jinping’s diplomatic strategy and believe that his weakening power is not enough to counter regional backlash.
In summary, Lai Ching-te, Zelensky and Ho Ching’s public criticism of the CCP and Xi Jinping may be the result of leaders of various countries sensing Xi Jinping’s weakening power. Geopolitical tensions, economic frictions, challenges to Xi Jinping’s domestic power and shifts in international public opinion have jointly prompted countries to speak out boldly. In the future, if the US-China confrontation intensifies or Xi Jinping loses power, similar criticisms may increase. Xi Jinping’s power dynamics will be a key variable, and we need to pay close attention to the Fourth Plenary Session of the CCP and changes in factions within the party.
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