接班习近平态势明显，胡春华班底费高云担任合肥市委书记。胡春华前脚去安徽，后脚提拔。行刺李克强案落罗文进，邓恢林，赖小民，王立科
接班习近平态势明显，胡春华班底费高云担任合肥市委书记。胡春华前脚去安徽，后脚提拔。行刺李克强案落罗文进，邓恢林，赖小民，王立科
大家好，2025年4月11日晚，合肥市召开全市领导干部会议，宣布安徽省委决定：费高云同志任合肥市委委员、常委、书记。此前，费高云担任安徽省委常委、常务副省长。此前担任安徽省委常委、合肥市委书记的是张红文。传言张红文是习近平的接班人，结果被拿下了，2025年3月30日至4月3日，全国政协副主席胡春华率全国政协党外委员考察团赴安徽考察。胡春华刚刚去安徽，安徽的省会，合肥，就换书记了。难道是巧合吗？
如果费高云真的是胡春华马仔，或者胡锦涛的马仔要给胡春华当班底的话，那么胡春华接替习近平担任总书记，这个态势就太明显了。因为涉及到总书记，所以我们要研究一下。费高云的派系的背景。刚提拔的广东副省长马正勇，也曾经是胡春华的手下。
2006年12月 – 2008年11月，费高云任江苏省扬州市仪征市市长。当时的扬州市委书记是季建业（2004年7月 – 2009年8月），扬州市长是王燕文（2004年7月 – 2009年8月）。当时的江苏省委书记是李源潮（2002年12月 – 2007年10月）。
2008年11月 – 2011年7月，费高云任江苏省扬州市仪征市委书记。当时的扬州市委书记是季建业（2004年7月 – 2009年8月），扬州市长是王燕文（2004年7月 – 2009年8月）。
我们先看费高云县长和县委书记这两步，这个级别比较低。不好说，一个正处级，一般是没有派系的。也就是不认识总书记。但是费高云肯定认识，他都已经是副部级了，有可能晋升正部级。就是正处级级别比较多，也说不好说谁提拔的，有权力提拔正处级的人很多。首先， 扬州就是江泽民的老家，季建业据说就是江泽民钦点的。
根据南风窗2010年08月18日的报道，2001年，时任总书记江泽民点将，昆山市委书记季建业出任扬州市长。如果南风窗这个报道准确的话，那么季建业就是江泽民的人。2013年10月，季建业被抓，当时的中纪委书记是王岐山。如果季建业的确是江泽民的人，那么习近平上台之后1年，就在抓江泽民的人。习近平是江泽民提拔的，到底是怎么逻辑自洽的。难道自己人，上台1年就翻脸吗？
那么费高云是不是江泽民的人，也不好说，因为当时的扬州市长背景也不软。当时的扬州市长王燕文，后来晋升了江苏省委宣传部长，没有晋升正部级。当时的江苏省委书记是李源潮。李源潮后来是中组部长，实力也很强。关键就是李源潮的派系，我没有破解。因为李源潮的身份特殊，中组部长，如果判断错了，很影响很多的派系判断。所以最好要有比较好的证据，再来给出判断。李源潮一般说是团派。除非李源潮实际上是江泽民的人，不然的话，李源潮如果就是团派的。那么一开始费高云，就有两种可能。
到底是江泽民这一派看上费高云的，还是李源潮，有两种可能。甚至还有可能是某位江苏副省长，省委常委，支持下，某位扬州副书记提拔的费高云。毕竟一个县长，县委书记，正处级，级别也不高。
还有一个有用的信息是2009年11月 – 2010年1月，费高云参加江苏省高级管理人才经济研究班赴美国培训。这也就是3个月的培训，当时的江苏省长是罗志军 (2008年1月 – 2010年12月)，中组部长是李源潮（2007年10月 – 2012年11月）。
首先把共产党的官员送到美国去培训，的确是李源潮搞的。但是李源潮也就是一个执行者，到底是谁的意思？是胡锦涛还是温家宝我就不知道。当时的总书记是胡锦涛，总理是温家宝。
当然了，这只是一个江苏省的培训班，这个去美国去培训的政策是李源潮在前台制定的。让哪个县长去参加，这是江苏省里面决定的。当时的江苏省长就是罗志军，可能就是罗志军提拔的费高云。这时候费高云的级别还比较低，只是一个正处级，后来费高云的副局级正局级应该都是罗志军提拔的。罗志军死于2023年4月1日，71岁死亡，当时中央通訊社、星岛日报均声称罗志军是自己死的。罗志军应该是被习近平弄死的。
中国网易新闻网2021年9月14日刊登了一篇署名 “商贤老侯”的文章。作者引述政府内部的《早会通报》，当中提到关于罗文进（江苏省公安厅刑警总队原总队长）为首的江苏“司法黑帮”问题通报会。作者在罗文进被查半个月前，江苏省人民检察院原常务副检察长严明接受调查，迫于组织压力交代了罗文进和邓恢林、赖小民集团非法往来的情况。
文章更指出，在两个月后，罗文进的领导、江苏省委常委、政法委书记、原公安厅长王立科也主动投案自首。王立科，长期任职于政法系统，曾被授予全国公安系统“一级英模”称号，与重庆公安局原局长王立军有交集。
罗文进和邓恢林同为湖北武汉老乡，两人互通有无，妄议中央大政方针，辱骂国家主要领导人。甚至于计划领导人在南京举行纪念活动时不轨，被安全部人员阻止了罪恶活动。
我感觉，我破案了。以前我不太会派系分析。没太在意。之前我就说过了，罗文进行刺的是李克强不是习近平，习近平在那个时间段没有到过江苏省。只有李克强在那个时间段到过江苏省。而且李克强后来也的确死了。罗文进可能级别比较低，其他的邓恢林，赖小民，王立科都是习近平马仔。罗文进跟习近平的人掺和在一起，那么罗文进肯定也是习近平的人。
王立科，长期任职于政法系统，曾被授予全国公安系统“一级英模”称号，与重庆公安局原局长王立军有交集。王立科就是王立军的马仔，王立军是薄熙来的马仔。薄熙来和习近平是一个派系的。
罗文进是习近平的马仔，罗文进对国家领导人不轨，这个国家领导是李克强不是习近平。赖小民为什么判死刑， 被习近平灭口了。罗文进是江苏公安厅刑警总队长，罗志军和这个事情有什么关系，我不知道。会不会是罗志军想揭开这个事情的盖子，我就不知道了。罗志军死了半年之后，李克强就死了。
2011年7月 – 2012年5月，40岁的费高云任江苏省南通市委常委、通州区委书记。晋升副局级，当时的江苏省委书记是罗志军（2010年12月 – 2016年6月）。当时的南通市委书记是丁大卫 (2011年5月 – 2016年1月)。
丁大卫也有梗。丁大卫从时间线上说，担任南通市委书记的时候，江苏省委书记就是罗志军。我没有研究过丁大卫，但是丁大卫有可能就是罗志军提拔的。
2016年1月，江苏省南通市原市委书记丁大卫任无锡市人大副主任，退居二线。无锡是地级市，正局级架构，人大常委会副主任是副局级岗位。丁大卫原为地级市市委书记，正局级官员，为何被“降格”使用呢？
丁大卫当时已经年满60周岁，此次转任无锡是退二线。按惯例，地市级一级的书记市长到龄后通常被安排到上一级人大、政协任职，而转到平级地市人大、政协却鲜有先例。对这一特殊情况，组织部门给出了解释：根据丁大卫同志的个人要求，组织上安排他回无锡工作。
到省里任职不好么，为何会有这样的“个人要求”？原来，丁大卫在无锡工作了近25年，从基层干部一直干到副局级的市委常委。此次回无锡，算是叶落归根。
那么问题又来了，既然他愿意回无锡，又是正局级官员，为何当选人大副主任而不是主任呢？目前，担任无锡人大常委会主任的姚建华今年才满62岁，尚在任期内，因此，这一职务暂不出缺。如此说来，安排一个退二线的干部到无锡任职，可供选择的位置，真的不多。
说明2016年习近平已经想弄罗志军了。什么叶落归根，丁大卫是吓得不敢去江苏省任职。江苏省是中管干部，就被王岐山给抓了。躲到无锡没准还能躲过一劫。中共的内斗，节目效果太多了，梗太多了。他们太黑了。
2013年7月 – 2017年2月，42岁的费高云任江苏省常州市市长。当时的江苏省委书记是罗志军（2010年12月 – 2016年6月），江苏省长是李学勇 (2010年12月 – 2015年11月)。江苏省委副书记是石泰峰 (2011年8月 – 2015年12月)。也就是说费高云担任副局级和正局级都是在罗志军江苏省委书记任期之内发生的。费高云很可能就是罗志军提拔的。罗志军应该就是胡锦涛马仔。或者李克强的马仔。我们注意，这时候石泰峰已经出现了。费高云升任正局级的时候，石泰峰是江苏省委副书记。
2017年2月 – 2018年2月，46岁的费高云任江苏省常州市委书记，市人大常委会主任。当时的江苏省委书记是李强（2016年6月 – 2017年10月），江苏省长是石泰峰 (2015年11月 – 2017年4月)。
也就是说，费高云地级市市委书记，不是李强提拔的就是石泰峰提拔的。其他江苏省委常委提拔的可能性小一些。江苏不是有个说法叫做13太保，宿迁市倒数第一，还是连云港市倒数第一。13太保的一把手，一般要么是省长提拔的，要么是省委书记提拔的。
不管怎么说，费高云曾经是现任总理李强，现任中组部长石泰峰的重要的直接下属。
2018年1月 – 2021年3月，47岁的费高云任江苏省副省长。费高云的大秘是江苏省政府副秘书长徐莹，徐莹曾经担任江苏副省长樊金龙大秘。
2021年12月 – 2022年12月，50岁的费高云任江苏省委常委，常务副省长。费高云的大秘是江苏省政府副秘书长黄澜，黄澜之前担任江苏省副省长惠建林，江苏省副省长方伟的大秘。方伟之前担任江苏省副省长张雷的大秘。
2023年1月 – 2025年4月，52岁的费高云任安徽省委常委，常务副省长。费高云的大秘是江苏省政府副秘书长李必方，李必方曾经担任安徽省副省长刘惠大秘。
两个副省长共用一个大秘，大概率他们是一个派系的。百分之八九十是一个派系的。这就一网打尽了，难道这6个副省长都是胡锦涛的马仔吗？这个还要进一步研究。这6个副省长的共同特点就是没有一个人晋升了正部级。如果这6个人都是习近平的人，总该至少有一个晋升正部级。因为毕竟这些年是习近平掌权。一下子挖出来6个副省长，都不是正部级，说明他们可能都不是习近平的人。
这里面的樊金龙给罗志军当过两次大秘，罗志军担任江苏省长和省委书记时候的大秘都是樊金龙。这个就比较明显，两个人绑定了。
我给大家总结一下，费高云的副局级正局级都是罗志军提拔的。
罗志军被习近平弄死了。罗志军担任江苏省长和江苏省委书记期间的大秘都是樊金龙。
费高云和樊金龙共用使用过同一个大秘江苏省政府副秘书长徐莹。
费高云曾经是石泰峰的下属，费高云提拔的常州市委书记的时候江苏省长就是石泰峰。
费高云提拔合肥市委书记的前两天，胡春华刚刚去过安徽省。
如果把王清宪抓了，费高云可能就要提拔安徽省长了。如果省长都是胡春华的人的话，那么胡春华不当总书记还能当什么啊？好的，谢谢大家。
英文翻译
The trend of succeeding Xi Jinping is obvious. Fei Gaoyun, a member of Hu Chunhua’s team, serves as the secretary of the Hefei Municipal Party Committee. Hu Chunhua went to Anhui and was promoted right after. The assassination of Li Keqiang fell on Luo Wenjin, Deng Huilin, Lai Xiaomin, and Wang Like
Hello everyone, on the evening of April 11, 2025, Hefei City held a city-wide leading cadres meeting and announced the decision of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee: Comrade Fei Gaoyun will serve as a member, standing committee member, and secretary of the Hefei Municipal Party Committee. Previously, Fei Gaoyun served as a member of the Standing Committee of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee and executive vice governor. Previously, Zhang Hongwen served as a member of the Standing Committee of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee and secretary of the Hefei Municipal Party Committee. It was rumored that Zhang Hongwen was Xi Jinping’s successor, but he was taken down. From March 30 to April 3, 2025, Hu Chunhua, vice chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, led a delegation of non-party members of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference to Anhui for inspection. Hu Chunhua had just gone to Anhui, and the provincial capital of Anhui, Hefei, changed its secretary. Is it a coincidence?
If Fei Gaoyun is really Hu Chunhua’s lackey, or if Hu Jintao’s lackey is going to be Hu Chunhua’s subordinate, then it is too obvious that Hu Chunhua will replace Xi Jinping as general secretary. Because it involves the general secretary, we have to study it. The background of Fei Gaoyun’s faction. Ma Zhengyong, the newly promoted vice governor of Guangdong, was also Hu Chunhua’s subordinate.
From December 2006 to November 2008, Fei Gaoyun served as mayor of Yizheng City, Yangzhou City, Jiangsu Province. The then secretary of the Yangzhou Municipal Party Committee was Ji Jianye (July 2004-August 2009), and the mayor of Yangzhou was Wang Yanwen (July 2004-August 2009). The then secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee was Li Yuanchao (December 2002-October 2007).
From November 2008 to July 2011, Fei Gaoyun served as secretary of the Yizheng Municipal Party Committee of Yangzhou City, Jiangsu Province. At that time, the Party Secretary of Yangzhou was Ji Jianye (July 2004 – August 2009), and the Mayor of Yangzhou was Wang Yanwen (July 2004 – August 2009).
Let’s first look at the two steps of Fei Gaoyun as the County Mayor and the County Party Secretary. This level is relatively low. It’s hard to say. A director-level person usually has no faction. That is, he doesn’t know the General Secretary. But Fei Gaoyun definitely knows him. He is already at the vice-ministerial level and may be promoted to the ministerial level. There are many director-level positions, and it’s hard to say who promoted them. There are many people who have the power to promote director-level positions. First of all, Yangzhou is Jiang Zemin’s hometown, and Ji Jianye is said to be Jiang Zemin’s choice.
According to a report by Nanfengchuang on August 18, 2010, in 2001, Jiang Zemin, then General Secretary, appointed Ji Jianye, the Party Secretary of Kunshan, as the Mayor of Yangzhou. If this report by Nanfengchuang is accurate, then Ji Jianye is Jiang Zemin’s man. In October 2013, Ji Jianye was arrested. At that time, Wang Qishan was the Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. If Ji Jianye is indeed Jiang Zemin’s man, then Xi Jinping arrested Jiang Zemin’s men one year after he came to power. How can Xi Jinping be promoted by Jiang Zemin? Could it be that he is one of his own people and turned against him one year after taking office?
It is hard to say whether Fei Gaoyun is Jiang Zemin’s man, because the mayor of Yangzhou at that time also had a weak background. Wang Yanwen, the mayor of Yangzhou at that time, was later promoted to the Minister of Propaganda of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee, but was not promoted to the ministerial level. The Secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee at that time was Li Yuanchao. Li Yuanchao later became the Minister of the Organization Department of the Central Committee, and he was also very powerful. The key is Li Yuanchao’s faction, which I have not cracked. Because Li Yuanchao’s identity is special, if the judgment of the Minister of the Organization Department of the Central Committee is wrong, it will affect many factional judgments. So it is better to have better evidence before making a judgment. Li Yuanchao is generally said to be a member of the Youth League faction. Unless Li Yuanchao is actually Jiang Zemin’s man, otherwise, if Li Yuanchao is a member of the Youth League faction. Then there are two possibilities for Fei Gaoyun at the beginning.
Whether it was Jiang Zemin’s faction that favored Fei Gaoyun or Li Yuanchao, there are two possibilities. It is even possible that a deputy governor of Jiangsu Province and a member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee promoted Fei Gaoyun with the support of a deputy secretary of Yangzhou. After all, a county governor and county party secretary, who is at the level of a director, is not of high rank.
Another useful information is that from November 2009 to January 2010, Fei Gaoyun participated in the Jiangsu Province Senior Management Talent Economic Research Class to go to the United States for training. This was a three-month training. The governor of Jiangsu at that time was Luo Zhijun (January 2008-December 2010), and the Minister of Organization of the Central Committee was Li Yuanchao (October 2007-November 2012).
First of all, it was Li Yuanchao who sent the Communist Party officials to the United States for training. But Li Yuanchao was just an executor. Whose idea was it? I don’t know if it was Hu Jintao or Wen Jiabao. The general secretary at that time was Hu Jintao, and the prime minister was Wen Jiabao.
Of course, this is just a training class in Jiangsu Province. The policy of going to the United States for training was formulated by Li Yuanchao at the front desk. Which county magistrate to participate was decided by Jiangsu Province. The governor of Jiangsu Province at that time was Luo Zhijun, and it might be Fei Gaoyun who was promoted by Luo Zhijun. At that time, Fei Gaoyun’s rank was still relatively low, only a director-level official. Later, Fei Gaoyun’s deputy bureau-level official level should have been promoted by Luo Zhijun. Luo Zhijun died on April 1, 2023 at the age of 71. At that time, the Central News Agency and Sing Tao Daily both claimed that Luo Zhijun died by himself. Luo Zhijun should have been killed by Xi Jinping.
On September 14, 2021, China’s NetEase News Network published an article signed by “Shangxian Laohou”. The author quoted the “Morning Meeting Notice” within the government, which mentioned the briefing on the Jiangsu “judicial gang” problem headed by Luo Wenjin (former commander of the Criminal Police Corps of the Jiangsu Provincial Public Security Department). The author said that half a month before Luo Wenjin was investigated, Yan Ming, the former executive deputy chief procurator of the People’s Procuratorate of Jiangsu Province, was investigated and confessed the illegal dealings between Luo Wenjin and Deng Huilin and Lai Xiaomin’s group under pressure from the organization.
The article also pointed out that two months later, Wang Like, Luo Wenjin’s leader, member of the Standing Committee of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee, Secretary of the Political and Legal Committee, and former Director of the Public Security Department, also took the initiative to surrender. Wang Like, who has worked in the political and legal system for a long time, was awarded the title of “First-Class Model” in the national public security system and had connections with Wang Lijun, the former director of the Chongqing Public Security Bureau.
Luo Wenjin and Deng Huilin are both from Wuhan, Hubei. They exchanged information, discussed the central government’s major policies, and insulted the country’s major leaders. They even planned to do something wrong when the leaders held a commemorative event in Nanjing, but were stopped by the security department.
I feel that I have solved the case. I was not good at factional analysis before. I didn’t pay much attention to it. I said before that Luo Wen was stabbing Li Keqiang, not Xi Jinping, and Xi Jinping had not been to Jiangsu Province during that period. Only Li Keqiang had been to Jiangsu Province during that period. And Li Keqiang did die later. Luo Wenjin may be of a lower rank. Others such as Deng Huilin, Lai Xiaomin, and Wang Like are all Xi Jinping’s lackeys. Luo Wenjin is mixed up with Xi Jinping’s people, so Luo Wenjin must also be Xi Jinping’s person.
Wang Like has worked in the political and legal system for a long time. He was awarded the title of “First-Class Model Hero” in the national public security system and has an intersection with Wang Lijun, the former director of the Chongqing Public Security Bureau. Wang Like is Wang Lijun’s lackey, and Wang Lijun is Bo Xilai’s lackey. Bo Xilai and Xi Jinping are from the same faction.
Luo Wenjin is Xi Jinping’s lackey. Luo Wenjin did something unkind to the national leader, and the national leader is Li Keqiang, not Xi Jinping. Why was Lai Xiaomin sentenced to death? He was silenced by Xi Jinping. Luo Wenjin is the chief of the criminal police of the Jiangsu Public Security Department. I don’t know what Luo Zhijun has to do with this matter. I don’t know whether Luo Zhijun wanted to uncover this matter. Li Keqiang died half a year after Luo Zhijun died.
From July 2011 to May 2012, 40-year-old Fei Gaoyun served as member of the Standing Committee of the Nantong Municipal Party Committee of Jiangsu Province and Secretary of the Tongzhou District Party Committee. He was promoted to deputy bureau level. The Secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee at that time was Luo Zhijun (December 2010-June 2016). The Secretary of the Nantong Municipal Party Committee at that time was Ding David (May 2011-January 2016).
Ding David also has a stalk. According to the timeline, when Ding David served as the Secretary of the Nantong Municipal Party Committee, Luo Zhijun was the Secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee. I have not studied Ding David, but Ding David may have been promoted by Luo Zhijun.
In January 2016, Ding David, the former Secretary of the Nantong Municipal Party Committee of Jiangsu Province, served as the Deputy Director of the Wuxi Municipal People’s Congress and retired to the second line. Wuxi is a prefecture-level city with a bureau-level structure, and the Deputy Director of the Standing Committee of the People’s Congress is a deputy bureau-level position. Ding David was originally the Secretary of the Prefectural-level Municipal Party Committee and a bureau-level official. Why was he “downgraded”?
David Ding was already 60 years old at the time, and this transfer to Wuxi was a retirement. According to convention, the secretary and mayor of the prefecture-level city are usually arranged to serve in the People’s Congress and the CPPCC at the next level after reaching the age, but there are few precedents for transferring to the People’s Congress and the CPPCC at the same level. For this special situation, the organization department gave an explanation: According to the personal request of Comrade David Ding, the organization arranged for him to return to Wuxi to work.
Isn’t it good to work in the province? Why is there such a “personal request”? It turns out that David Ding has worked in Wuxi for nearly 25 years, from a grassroots cadre to a deputy bureau-level member of the municipal party committee. This return to Wuxi is a return to his roots.
Then the question arises again, since he is willing to return to Wuxi and is a bureau-level official, why was he elected as the deputy director of the People’s Congress instead of the director? At present, Yao Jianhua, who serves as the director of the Wuxi People’s Congress Standing Committee, is only 62 years old this year and is still in office, so this position is not vacant for the time being. In this way, there are really not many positions to choose from for arranging a retired cadre to serve in Wuxi.
This shows that Xi Jinping had already wanted to deal with Luo Zhijun in 2016. What is the saying “returning to one’s roots”? David Ding was too scared to go to Jiangsu Province to take up a post. Jiangsu Province is a central-level cadre, but it was arrested by Wang Qishan. Hiding in Wuxi might have saved him. The internal struggles of the CCP have too many show effects and too many jokes. They are too dark.
From July 2013 to February 2017, 42-year-old Fei Gaoyun served as mayor of Changzhou City, Jiangsu Province. The Secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee at that time was Luo Zhijun (December 2010-June 2016), and the Governor of Jiangsu Province was Li Xueyong (December 2010-November 2015). The Deputy Secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee was Shi Taifeng (August 2011-December 2015). In other words, Fei Gaoyun’s appointments as deputy bureau-level and bureau-level positions occurred during Luo Zhijun’s term as Secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee. Fei Gaoyun was most likely promoted by Luo Zhijun. Luo Zhijun should be Hu Jintao’s henchman. Or Li Keqiang’s henchman. We should note that Shi Taifeng had already appeared at this time. When Fei Gaoyun was promoted to the bureau level, Shi Taifeng was the deputy secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee.
From February 2017 to February 2018, the 46-year-old Fei Gaoyun served as the secretary of the Changzhou Municipal Party Committee of Jiangsu Province and the chairman of the Municipal People’s Congress Standing Committee. At that time, the secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee was Li Qiang (June 2016-October 2017), and the governor of Jiangsu was Shi Taifeng (November 2015-April 2017).
In other words, Fei Gaoyun, the secretary of the prefecture-level city party committee, was promoted by either Li Qiang or Shi Taifeng. The possibility of promotion by other members of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee Standing Committee is smaller. Isn’t there a saying in Jiangsu called 13 Taibao, Suqian City is the last, or Lianyungang City is the last. The top leader of the 13 Taibao is generally promoted by either the governor or the secretary of the provincial party committee.
In any case, Fei Gaoyun was once an important direct subordinate of the current Prime Minister Li Qiang and the current Organization Minister Shi Taifeng.
From January 2018 to March 2021, the 47-year-old Fei Gaoyun served as the Vice Governor of Jiangsu Province. Fei Gaoyun’s chief secretary was Xu Ying, Deputy Secretary-General of the Jiangsu Provincial Government, who once served as the chief secretary of Jiangsu Vice Governor Fan Jinlong.
From December 2021 to December 2022, the 50-year-old Fei Gaoyun served as a member of the Standing Committee of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee and Executive Vice Governor. Fei Gaoyun’s chief secretary was Huang Lan, Deputy Secretary-General of the Jiangsu Provincial Government, who previously served as the chief secretary of Jiangsu Vice Governor Hui Jianlin and Jiangsu Vice Governor Fang Wei. Fang Wei previously served as the chief secretary of Jiangsu Vice Governor Zhang Lei.
From January 2023 to April 2025, the 52-year-old Fei Gaoyun served as a member of the Standing Committee of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee and Executive Vice Governor. Fei Gaoyun’s chief secretary is Li Bifang, deputy secretary-general of the Jiangsu Provincial Government. Li Bifang once served as chief secretary to Liu Hui, deputy governor of Anhui Province.
Two deputy governors share a chief secretary, so it is highly likely that they are from the same faction. Eighty to ninety percent of them are from the same faction. This has caught all of them in one fell swoop. Are these six deputy governors all Hu Jintao’s lackeys? This needs further research. The common feature of these six deputy governors is that none of them has been promoted to the ministerial level. If these six people are all Xi Jinping’s people, at least one should have been promoted to the ministerial level. After all, Xi Jinping has been in power for these years. Six deputy governors were dug out at once, and none of them were at the ministerial level, which means that they may not be Xi Jinping’s people.
Fan Jinlong was Luo Zhijun’s chief secretary twice. When Luo Zhijun was the governor of Jiangsu Province and the secretary of the provincial party committee, Fan Jinlong was his chief secretary. This is quite obvious. The two are tied together.
Let me summarize for you. Fei Gaoyun’s deputy bureau-level and bureau-level positions were all promoted by Luo Zhijun.
Luo Zhijun was killed by Xi Jinping. When Luo Zhijun was the governor and secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee, Fan Jinlong was his chief secretary.
Fei Gaoyun and Fan Jinlong used the same chief secretary, Xu Ying, deputy secretary-general of the Jiangsu Provincial Government.
Fei Gaoyun was once a subordinate of Shi Taifeng. When Fei Gaoyun was promoted to the secretary of Changzhou Municipal Party Committee, Shi Taifeng was the governor of Jiangsu Province.
Two days before Fei Gaoyun was promoted to the secretary of Hefei Municipal Party Committee, Hu Chunhua had just visited Anhui Province.
If Wang Qingxian was arrested, Fei Gaoyun might have been promoted to the governor of Anhui Province. If the governors are all Hu Chunhua’s people, then what else can Hu Chunhua do if not general secretary? Okay, thank you everyone.
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