胡，李，汪，丁，陈谁会接班习近平？央视官宣打脸，一嗯炒作候选人已经明确出局。五大候选人优劣对比，总书记和军委主席两大职位，实力对比。胡锦涛还能给小胡保驾护航几年？
胡，李，汪，丁，陈谁会接班习近平？央视官宣打脸，一嗯炒作候选人已经明确出局。五大候选人优劣对比，总书记和军委主席两大职位，实力对比。胡锦涛还能给小胡保驾护航几年？
大家好，
首先，中共内部“枪杆子决定政权”的逻辑决定了军权归属是权力斗争的关键。2025年，火箭军司令王立岩的任命成为焦点。王立岩与胡春华的交集可追溯至2003年，当时胡锦涛视察湛江湛江市长徐少华接待胡锦涛，虽然当时没有官方报道重点关注，南海舰队。但是即便徐少华的确是胡锦涛的马仔。但是胡锦涛一个总书记，会专程去给一个地级市市长，上任捧场吗？肯定有其他安排。
湛江作为南海舰队的母港，基地，胡锦涛又有军委主席的身份，证明他一直在关注湛江，进行布局。
而王立岩时曾经挂职担任南海舰队副参谋长两年，基地在湛江。2014年，湛江市委书记与王立岩在南海舰队活动中有互动，刘小华后来曾任胡春华的秘书，显示王立岩与胡春华的湛江政军网络关系。徐少华与刘小华是湛江市前后两任市委书记。
刘小华为什么被王岐山和习近平弄死呢。就和李克强一样，如果真的像大外宣宣传的毫无威胁。习近平又不是杀人狂，他弄死李克强是原因的。习近平弄死刘小华，很可能就是为了阻止胡春华接班。说明当年习近平不仅搞掉了江泽民指定的接班人孙政才，还想搞掉胡锦涛指定的接班人胡春华。只不过胡春华在胡锦涛的保护下，侥幸活了下来而已。
火箭军作为中共战略威慑核心，火箭军司令任命直接影响军权归属。火箭军是解放四大军种之一，陆海空，加上火箭军。胡锦涛曾借助军委副主席张震保护军权，而王立岩作为“胡锦涛派系”的军方代表，可能被安排为胡春华接任军委主席提供武装保障。2024年以来，中共军方高层频繁清洗，苗华与何卫东的倒下，钟绍军被胡锦涛贬黜，习近平在军队三大支柱，已经坍塌，为胡春华掌控“枪杆子”创造了条件。胡春华可能接任军委主席，王立岩任命的时机就是强烈的信号，表明胡锦涛派系正通过军权布局挑战习近平。
其次，中组部长作为总书记的“人事大管家”，几乎与总书记绑定，共同进退。华国锋上台后，胡耀邦担任中组部长。胡耀邦下台后，中组部长尉健行和胡耀邦一起下台。陈云的马仔宋平接替中组部长。胡锦涛担任总书记后，贺国强担任中组部长。石泰峰的任命进一步指向胡春华接任总书记。2025年4月，石泰峰与李干杰职务对调，担任中组部长，这一史无前例的政治局委员互换引发外界猜测。石泰峰与胡春华的交集深厚：两人均为北京大学校友，石泰峰是1978-1982年法律系，胡春华是1979-1983年中文系。石泰峰是胡锦涛一手提拔，党校教授蔡某背书石泰峰为胡锦涛提拔。2016年胡锦涛在江苏泰州祭祖时，石泰峰以江苏省长身份两次拜访。石泰峰的秘书赵永清由胡锦涛团队的核心成员贺国强从副处级跨省从山东调到宁夏提拔为副局级，显示石泰峰深嵌团派关系网。贺国强是赵紫阳1985年提拔的中央候补委员。中组部长协助总书记掌控正部级，副部级的人事任命，是总书记权力的核心。石泰峰接任中组部长，取代习近平亲信李干杰，表明胡锦涛夺回人事大权的公开化。胡春华2025年高调考察安徽，内蒙古，与石泰峰的中组部长身份形成呼应，显示胡锦涛正在加速布局。
习近平权力弱化的背景为胡春华崛起提供了契机。2024年，中共经济增速放缓至4.9%，房地产危机加剧，外资撤离，习近平承认经济困难。军方大清洗，苗华何卫东被调查，标志着习近平军权的崩塌，党内派系斗争彻底削弱习近平的权威。胡春华作为胡锦涛的干儿子，被胡锦涛视为接班人。
在中共“枪杆子出政权”的逻辑下，王立岩任火箭军司令暗示胡春华可能接掌军委主席，石泰峰任中组部长表明胡春华可能接任总书记。这些人事动向反映胡锦涛通过军权和人事权挑战习近平。未来，胡春华的上位取决于派系妥协和军方支持，如果成功，可能重塑中共内外政策，但短期内斗争仍将激烈。
相比之下，李强作为现任中国总理，资历最深，2017-2022年，曾经担任上海市委书记。然而，石泰峰的胡锦涛背景削弱李强的优势。丁薛祥作为政治局常委，国务院副总理和上海市委书记陈吉宁，虽然有一定资历，但丁薛祥2013-2022年长期担任习近平秘书，陈吉宁也是习近平的铁杆马仔，均未获得胡锦涛石泰峰得背书，难以挑战胡春华的人事优势。
其次，军权归属是总书记竞逐的核心，习近平军队资源的崩溃使胡春华在军委主席竞争中占据上风。中共“枪杆子出政权”的逻辑下，军委主席一职决定领导人稳定性。2024年，习近平的嫡系部队南京军区核心得31军被清洗，习近平左膀右臂苗华和何卫东被抓，31军被团灭，有苗华和何卫东双重背景得前空军政委于忠福也被查处。习近平的军中势力被胡锦涛连根拔起，一个不留。胡春华通过湛江政军网络，2003年胡锦涛视察湛江，胡春华的大米刘小华与时任南海舰队副参谋长王立岩有过互动，而王立岩新任火箭军司令。王立岩作为胡锦涛派系的军方代表，可能为胡春华接任军委主席提供武装保障。反观李强，其仕途主要在地方（浙江，上海）和国务院，缺乏军方根基。当然李强如果继承江泽民在军队资源，并获得胡锦涛的背书，也是有可能的。丁薛祥和陈吉宁同样无军方背景，习近平的军权崩塌已经没有军队的资源，可以让丁薛祥或者陈吉宁去继承。胡春华的军权优势使其成为唯一有能力兼任总书记和军委主席的候选人，而李强竞争力有限。
而丁薛祥最新在新闻联播的报道，等于央视官宣。丁薛祥不可能接任中共总书记，可能连自己职位都难保。
学习《习近平经济文选》第一卷专题研讨班2025年5月6日上午开班，中共中央政治局常委、国务院副总理丁薛祥出席并作开班报告。首先这会就是拧巴，丁薛祥左边坐着石泰峰是中组部长，右边坐着陈希是中央党校校长。石泰峰和陈希两个人都是党务官员，本来丁薛祥不主管党务工作。显示中共越来越退化，党政不分。一代不如一代。跟丁薛祥比较沾边就是丁薛祥作为第一副总理主管经济工作。
最诡异的就是央视给这些镜头，我就莫名其妙。因为政治局委员，省委书记，我们看着脸熟。这些人一看，都是谁，莫名其妙啊。我给大家大概整理这些人的身份。
郑庆东，经济日报社社长兼总编辑
吴浩，中组部副部长
张义全，中办纪委书记
张锦刚，青海常务副省长
夏林茂，北京市常务副市长
周文标，中国科协党组成员
殷久勇，交通银行副行长
王俊
王江， 中央金融委员会办公室常务副主任
徐启方，中组部副部长
马波
范荣晖，安徽省委宣传部常务副部长
大家看这些人的职务，有几个常务副省长，还不是全部。整个一个草台班子。有几个经济日报，交通银行，中央金融委员会办公室，确实和经济沾边，但是完全断档。台上坐着一个政治局常委，两个政治局委员。台下一个省长，一个省委书记也没有。完全穿帮了。
丁薛祥好歹是一名常委，居然没有任何一个省长屌他，更不用说省委书记了。就这样大外宣还能嗯炒作丁薛祥接总书记。31个省委书记，31个省长，没有任何一个人给丁薛祥捧场。这还惦记着丁薛祥接替总书记呢。央视存粹是在打脸丁薛祥。
丁薛祥在总书记候选人中资历仅次于李强，但石泰峰的团派背景和胡春华的军权优势（王立岩等支持）使其成为最强竞争者。习近平军队资源的崩溃削弱了丁薛祥和陈吉宁的军委主席前景，李强虽有资历，但缺乏军方和人事支持，成为胡春华的唯一对手。胡春华若成功上位，可能重塑中共权力格局和国际关系，但是我们还是需要进一步观察中共政局的发展。
这名网友说，
历史上70岁高龄的司马懿，在生命的最后3年，与曹爽斗法处于下风。最后使出装老糊涂乌龟大法：装成老年痴呆，命不久矣，丫鬟喂他喝粥，他嘴巴也不闭上，粥顺着嘴角，流得满胸口都是。成功欺骗过了曹爽，最终逆风翻盘，杀了曹爽全家。吴秀波演的电视剧《虎啸龙吟》有这段，简直是神还原，对整个“高平陵之变”的演绎，也非常贴合历史记载。
胡锦涛今年82岁，虽然比司马懿年龄大，但时代进步了，医疗保健水平不可同日而语。邓小平活了92岁，江泽民活了96岁。最后一次公开出现，邓小平是89岁，江泽民是93岁。
所以人在入土前3年，基本上还属于老当益壮的年龄，还能干最后一次大事。现在国家领导人，没活到90岁，都算英年早逝。保守估计，胡锦涛至少还有8年时间，再保驾护航一届小胡绰绰有余。
我的回复是，对于发动军事政变来说，不但需要清醒的头脑，还需要一定的精力，坚定的意志和长期的忍耐。胡锦涛82岁，这应该是他这一生干的最后一次大事了。其实这件事情都过去快一年了。邓小平一生看人最成功的一次。不知道当年为什么邓小平看上了胡锦涛。保驾护航，难度比军事政变小多了。只要意识基本清醒就可以了。主要掌握军队，党务和政务还有温家宝这个帮手。我看过温家宝不少批示，温家宝搞政治斗争也是老油条。资源还是有的。
以邓小平和江泽民寿命估计。90岁以前，胡锦涛应该还好使。主要是四中全会和21大，这两次政治斗争吧，再往后就要看胡春华自己了。我不了解胡春华这个人。那就要胡锦涛看人的本事，和邓小平有多少差距了。好的，感谢大家的点赞订阅转发
英文翻译
Hu, Li, Wang, Ding, Chen, who will succeed Xi Jinping? CCTV’s official announcement slapped the face, and the hyped candidate has been clearly eliminated. Comparison of the advantages and disadvantages of the five major candidates, the two major positions of General Secretary and Chairman of the Central Military Commission, and the strength comparison. How many years can Hu Jintao escort Hu Chunhua?
Hello everyone,
First of all, the logic of “guns determine political power” within the Communist Party of China determines that the ownership of military power is the key to the power struggle. In 2025, the appointment of Rocket Force Commander Wang Liyan became the focus. Wang Liyan and Hu Chunhua’s intersection can be traced back to 2003, when Hu Jintao inspected Zhanjiang and Zhanjiang Mayor Xu Shaohua received Hu Jintao, although there was no official report focusing on the South China Sea Fleet at the time. But even if Xu Shaohua is indeed Hu Jintao’s henchman. But as a general secretary, will Hu Jintao make a special trip to support the mayor of a prefecture-level city when he takes office? There must be other arrangements.
Zhanjiang is the home port and base of the South China Sea Fleet, and Hu Jintao is also the Chairman of the Central Military Commission, which proves that he has been paying attention to Zhanjiang and making plans.
Wang Liyan served as the Deputy Chief of Staff of the South China Sea Fleet for two years, and his base was in Zhanjiang. In 2014, the Secretary of the Zhanjiang Municipal Party Committee interacted with Wang Liyan in the activities of the South China Sea Fleet. Liu Xiaohua later served as Hu Chunhua’s secretary, which shows the relationship between Wang Liyan and Hu Chunhua in the Zhanjiang political and military network. Xu Shaohua and Liu Xiaohua were the two former secretaries of the Zhanjiang Municipal Party Committee.
Why was Liu Xiaohua killed by Wang Qishan and Xi Jinping? Just like Li Keqiang, if he is really as harmless as the big foreign propaganda propaganda says. Xi Jinping is not a murderer, and he killed Li Keqiang for a reason. Xi Jinping killed Liu Xiaohua, most likely to prevent Hu Chunhua from taking over. This shows that Xi Jinping not only got rid of Sun Zhengcai, the successor designated by Jiang Zemin, but also wanted to get rid of Hu Chunhua, the successor designated by Hu Jintao. It’s just that Hu Chunhua survived by chance under the protection of Hu Jintao.
As the core of the CCP’s strategic deterrence, the appointment of the Rocket Force Commander directly affects the ownership of military power. The Rocket Force is one of the four major services of the People’s Liberation Army, including the Army, Navy and Air Force, plus the Rocket Force. Hu Jintao once used Zhang Zhen, Vice Chairman of the Military Commission, to protect military power, and Wang Liyan, as the military representative of the “Hu Jintao faction”, may be arranged to provide armed support for Hu Chunhua to take over as Chairman of the Military Commission. Since 2024, the CCP’s military has been frequently purged, Miao Hua and He Weidong have fallen, Zhong Shaojun has been demoted by Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping’s three pillars in the military have collapsed, creating conditions for Hu Chunhua to control the “gun barrel”. Hu Chunhua may take over as Chairman of the Military Commission, and the timing of Wang Liyan’s appointment is a strong signal that the Hu Jintao faction is challenging Xi Jinping through the layout of military power.
Secondly, as the “personnel steward” of the General Secretary, the Minister of the Organization Department of the Central Committee is almost tied to the General Secretary and advances and retreats together. After Hua Guofeng came to power, Hu Yaobang served as the Minister of the Organization Department. After Hu Yaobang stepped down, Wei Jianxing, the Minister of the Organization Department, stepped down with Hu Yaobang. Chen Yun’s henchman Song Ping replaced the Minister of the Organization Department. After Hu Jintao became the General Secretary, He Guoqiang became the Minister of the Organization Department. Shi Taifeng’s appointment further pointed to Hu Chunhua taking over as the General Secretary. In April 2025, Shi Taifeng and Li Ganjie swapped positions and served as the Minister of the Organization Department. This unprecedented exchange of Politburo members has aroused speculation from the outside world. Shi Taifeng and Hu Chunhua have a deep intersection: both are alumni of Peking University, Shi Taifeng is a law department from 1978 to 1982, and Hu Chunhua is a Chinese department from 1979 to 1983. Shi Taifeng was promoted by Hu Jintao, and Cai, a professor at the Party School, endorsed Shi Taifeng for Hu Jintao’s promotion. When Hu Jintao was worshipping his ancestors in Taizhou, Jiangsu in 2016, Shi Taifeng visited twice as the governor of Jiangsu Province. Shi Taifeng’s secretary Zhao Yongqing was promoted from deputy director level to deputy bureau level by He Guoqiang, a core member of Hu Jintao’s team, who was transferred from Shandong to Ningxia across provinces, showing that Shi Taifeng is deeply embedded in the Youth League faction network. He Guoqiang was an alternate member of the Central Committee promoted by Zhao Ziyang in 1985. The Minister of the Organization Department assists the General Secretary in controlling the appointment of personnel at the ministerial and deputy ministerial levels, and is the core of the General Secretary’s power. Shi Taifeng took over as the Minister of the Organization Department, replacing Xi Jinping’s confidant Li Ganjie, indicating that Hu Jintao has publicly regained the power of personnel. Hu Chunhua’s high-profile inspection of Anhui and Inner Mongolia in 2025 echoes Shi Taifeng’s identity as the Minister of the Organization Department, showing that Hu Jintao is accelerating his layout.
The background of Xi Jinping’s weakening power provides an opportunity for Hu Chunhua’s rise. In 2024, the CCP’s economic growth slowed to 4.9%, the real estate crisis intensified, foreign capital withdrew, and Xi Jinping admitted economic difficulties. The military purge, Miao Hua and He Weidong were investigated, marking the collapse of Xi Jinping’s military power, and factional struggles within the party completely weakened Xi Jinping’s authority. As Hu Jintao’s adopted son, Hu Chunhua is regarded by Hu Jintao as his successor.
Under the CCP’s logic of “power comes from the barrel of a gun”, Wang Liyan’s appointment as Rocket Force Commander suggests that Hu Chunhua may take over as Chairman of the Central Military Commission, and Shi Taifeng’s appointment as Minister of Organization shows that Hu Chunhua may take over as General Secretary. These personnel moves reflect that Hu Jintao is challenging Xi Jinping through military and personnel power. In the future, Hu Chunhua’s promotion depends on factional compromise and military support. If successful, he may reshape the CCP’s domestic and foreign policies, but the struggle will remain fierce in the short term.
In contrast, Li Qiang, as the current Chinese Premier, has the longest experience and served as Secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee from 2017 to 2022. However, Shi Taifeng’s Hu Jintao background weakens Li Qiang’s advantage. Ding Xuexiang, as a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, Vice Premier of the State Council and Secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee Chen Jining, although he has certain qualifications, Ding Xuexiang served as Xi Jinping’s secretary for a long time from 2013 to 2022, and Chen Jining is also Xi Jinping’s iron-clad henchman. Neither of them has been endorsed by Hu Jintao and Shi Taifeng, and it is difficult to challenge Hu Chunhua’s personnel advantage.
Secondly, the ownership of military power is the core of the competition for the general secretary. The collapse of Xi Jinping’s military resources has given Hu Chunhua the upper hand in the competition for the chairman of the Military Commission. Under the logic of the CCP’s “power comes from the barrel of a gun”, the position of the chairman of the Military Commission determines the stability of the leader. In 2024, the 31st Army, the core of the Nanjing Military Region, Xi Jinping’s direct troops, was purged, Xi Jinping’s left and right arms Miao Hua and He Weidong were arrested, the 31st Army was wiped out, and the former Air Force Political Commissar Yu Zhongfu, who had the dual background of Miao Hua and He Weidong, was also investigated. Xi Jinping’s military power was uprooted by Hu Jintao, leaving no one behind. Hu Chunhua is connected to the political and military network in Zhanjiang. In 2003, when Hu Jintao visited Zhanjiang, Hu Chunhua’s friend Liu Xiaohua interacted with Wang Liyan, then deputy chief of staff of the South China Sea Fleet, who was the new commander of the Rocket Force. As the military representative of Hu Jintao’s faction, Wang Liyan may provide armed support for Hu Chunhua to take over as chairman of the Central Military Commission. In contrast, Li Qiang’s career was mainly in local areas (Zhejiang, Shanghai) and the State Council, lacking military foundation. Of course, if Li Qiang inherits Jiang Zemin’s military resources and obtains Hu Jintao’s endorsement, it is also possible. Ding Xuexiang and Chen Jining also have no military background. Xi Jinping’s military power collapses and there are no military resources, so Ding Xuexiang or Chen Jining can inherit. Hu Chunhua’s military power advantage makes him the only candidate capable of serving as general secretary and chairman of the Central Military Commission, while Li Qiang has limited competitiveness.
And Ding Xuexiang’s latest report on the news broadcast is equivalent to CCTV’s official announcement. Ding Xuexiang is unlikely to take over as general secretary of the Communist Party of China, and he may even have difficulty keeping his position.
The seminar on studying the first volume of “Xi Jinping’s Economic Selections” opened on the morning of May 6, 2025. Ding Xuexiang, member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and Vice Premier of the State Council, attended and gave an opening report. First of all, this is a twist. On the left of Ding Xuexiang sat Shi Taifeng, the Minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, and on the right sat Chen Xi, the President of the Central Party School. Both Shi Taifeng and Chen Xi were party officials. Ding Xuexiang was not in charge of party affairs. It shows that the CCP is becoming more and more degenerate, and the party and government are not separated. One generation is worse than the next. Ding Xuexiang is more related to Ding Xuexiang as the first vice premier in charge of economic work.
The weirdest thing is that CCTV gave these shots, and I was confused. Because the members of the Political Bureau and the provincial party secretaries look familiar to us. When I look at these people, who are they, I don’t understand. I will sort out the identities of these people for everyone.
Zheng Qingdong, President and Editor-in-Chief of Economic Daily
Wu Hao, Deputy Minister of Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee
Zhang Yiquan, Secretary of the Commission for Discipline Inspection of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee
Zhang Jingang, Executive Vice Governor of Qinghai
Xia Linmao, Executive Vice Mayor of Beijing
Zhou Wenbiao, Member of the Party Leadership Group of China Association for Science and Technology
Yin Jiuyong, Vice President of Bank of Communications
Wang Jun
Wang Jiang, Executive Deputy Director of the Office of the Central Financial Committee
Xu Qifang, Deputy Minister of Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee
Ma Bo
Fan Ronghui, Executive Vice Minister of the Publicity Department of Anhui Provincial Party Committee
Look at the positions of these people. There are several executive vice governors, but not all of them. It is a makeshift team. There are several Economic Daily, Bank of Communications, and the Office of the Central Financial Committee, which are indeed related to the economy, but they are completely disconnected. There is a member of the Politburo Standing Committee and two members of the Politburo on the stage. There is no governor or provincial party secretary on the stage. It is completely exposed.
Ding Xuexiang is a member of the Standing Committee after all, but no governor dares to look down on him, let alone the provincial party secretary. Even so, the big foreign propaganda can still hype Ding Xuexiang to take over as general secretary. 31 provincial party secretaries and 31 provincial governors, none of them supported Ding Xuexiang. They are still thinking about Ding Xuexiang taking over as general secretary. CCTV is simply slapping Ding Xuexiang in the face.
Ding Xuexiang is second only to Li Qiang in terms of seniority among the candidates for general secretary, but Shi Taifeng’s Youth League background and Hu Chunhua’s military power advantage (supported by Wang Liyan and others) make him the strongest competitor. The collapse of Xi Jinping’s military resources has weakened the prospects of Ding Xuexiang and Chen Jining as the chairman of the Central Military Commission. Although Li Qiang has seniority, he lacks military and personnel support and has become Hu Chunhua’s only opponent. If Hu Chunhua succeeds in taking office, it may reshape the power structure and international relations of the Communist Party of China, but we still need to further observe the development of the political situation of the Communist Party of China.
This netizen said,
In history, Sima Yi, who was 70 years old, was at a disadvantage in the last three years of his life in the battle with Cao Shuang. Finally, he pretended to be an old and confused turtle: he pretended to have Alzheimer’s disease and was dying. When the maid fed him porridge, he didn’t close his mouth, and the porridge flowed down the corners of his mouth and all over his chest. He successfully deceived Cao Shuang and finally turned the tide and killed Cao Shuang’s family. There is this segment in the TV series “Tiger Roaring Dragon Roar” played by Wu Xiubo, which is a perfect restoration. The interpretation of the entire “Gaopingling Incident” is also very consistent with historical records.
Hu Jintao is 82 years old this year. Although he is older than Sima Yi, the times have progressed and the level of medical care is incomparable. Deng Xiaoping lived to be 92 years old, and Jiang Zemin lived to be 96 years old. The last time he appeared in public, Deng Xiaoping was 89 years old and Jiang Zemin was 93 years old.
So people are basically still in their prime three years before they are buried, and they can still do the last big thing. Now, national leaders who do not live to be 90 years old are considered to have died young. Conservatively speaking, Hu Jintao still has at least 8 years left, which is more than enough to escort Hu Jintao for another term.
My reply is that launching a military coup requires not only a clear mind, but also a certain amount of energy, firm will and long-term patience. Hu Jintao is 82 years old, and this should be the last major event he has done in his life. In fact, this event has been almost a year. This was the most successful time in Deng Xiaoping’s life in judging people. I don’t know why Deng Xiaoping chose Hu Jintao back then. Escorting is much easier than a military coup. As long as the consciousness is basically clear, it will be fine. Mainly control the military, party affairs and government affairs, and there is Wen Jiabao as an assistant. I have read many instructions from Wen Jiabao, and Wen Jiabao is also an old hand in political struggles. There are still resources.
Based on the life expectancy of Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin. Before the age of 90, Hu Jintao should still be able to do well. Mainly the Fourth Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee and the 21st National Congress, these two political struggles, and then it depends on Hu Chunhua himself. I don’t know Hu Chunhua. That depends on how good Hu Jintao is at judging people and how far he is from Deng Xiaoping.
END