丁薛祥大秘张宏亮接受中纪委调查。习近平风雨飘摇。丁薛祥早年得到上海科技工委书记吴邦国的提拔，吴邦国自己畏罪走了都没有救得了丁薛祥
丁薛祥大秘张宏亮接受中纪委调查。习近平风雨飘摇。丁薛祥早年得到上海科技工委书记吴邦国的提拔，吴邦国自己畏罪走了都没有救得了丁薛祥
大家好，网友给我发来消息，中国国务院办公厅，秘书二局局长张宏亮接受中纪委调查，张宏亮是中国第一副总理丁薛祥的大秘书。我们来分析一下，丁薛祥和丁薛祥大秘的派系背景。
彭丽媛和罗健建立了哈尔滨帮的贪腐网络。哈尔滨帮准确的应该叫做哈尔滨工业大学帮。这里面还有一个隐藏的人物叫做丁薛祥。这名网友说的，丁薛祥怎么可能是江派，丁薛祥毕业于富拉尔基学院，这个学校就是从哈工大独立出来的，跟哈工大有千丝万缕的联系。我更相信丁薛祥跟哈尔滨帮的联系，丁薛祥绝对是习近平那一派的。我们看一下这名网友为什么说福拉尔基学院。燕山大学的历史很清楚。1958年，哈尔滨工业大学重型机械系及相关专业成建制迁至工业重镇齐齐哈尔市富拉尔基区，组建了哈尔滨工业大学重型机械学院。也就是说，丁薛祥的母校，东北重型机械学院，现在叫做燕山大学，一开始就是从哈工大独立出来的。
根据我们的听床法，定律2没有任何一个正部级单位只有一个派系。根据我们的听床法，浙江帮，福建帮，陕西帮，上海帮都是错误的说法，正部级太大了，里面肯定装了不止一个派系。那么派系在哪里呢？派系就在更小的单位正局级。第一个就是哈尔滨工业大学帮，这才是习近平真正的第一大派系。里面装的人太多了。没法一一列出来。马兴瑞罗健小20人吧。哈尔滨工业大学，尤其是1980年代的研究生院毕业的。我不敢说百分百都是习近平的人，但是肯定90%以上，那就是一个，两个是例外。除非有其他充足的证据，默认，哈尔滨工业大学就是习近平的人。就是说丁薛祥一开始的学校就是习近平的大本营。我们就不说全家桶了，最多一个人，两个人是例外，但例外的肯定不是丁薛祥。丁薛祥百分之两百是习近平的人。丁薛祥前前后后，上上下下，左左右右都是习近平的人，他不是习近平的人才怪呢。
第二个习近平帮派是党建研究会。里面有外交部党组书记齐玉和中宣部长李书磊。第三就是上海市闸北区，中纪委副书记张惠新，张惠新的秘书聂福如，现任中国国安部政治部主任。施小琳，丁薛祥，尹弘，林龙斌。施小琳是四川省长，丁薛祥是副总理，尹弘是江西省委书记，林龙斌是韩正的秘书。还有翁祖亮和时光辉，翁祖亮是五矿的董事长，被李强赶出了上海，时光辉现在是内蒙古党委副书记，也是被李强赶出了上海。这些人都是习近平的铁杆马仔。和江泽民一毛钱关系也没有。
这个闸北区也是一样，除非有充足的证据，证明他不是习近平这个派系的，不然默认就是习近平的人。我们看闸北区里面真正的有谁，1928年柯庆施接替康生担任中共上海闸北区委书记。1930年7月，陈云兼任闸北区委书记。
陈云是中共改革开放之后的老大，改革开放之后就是邓小平和陈云说了算。康生和柯庆施在中共党史的份量也很重。上海市闸北区对于陈云来说，那不就相当于，四川省广安市和广西百色市相对于邓小平来说，是一个意思吗？2001年 – 2004年，39岁丁薛祥担任上海市闸北区长。上海市闸北区就是习近平这个派系的老大，陈云，发家的地方。这要把他们都抓了，那就是连根拔起了。
第四个习近平的全家桶就是山东省德州市，张全景，赵克志，尹力，贺荣，张惠来，边巴扎西，马仲才，姜春云，黄胜，赵志浩。张全景，曾经担任中组部长。赵克志，曾经担任国务委员，公安部长。尹力，现任政治局委员，北京市委书记。贺荣 ，司法部长。张惠来，曾任山东政法委书记，青岛市委书记。张惠来青岛市委书记的前任是俞正声，俞正声是邓小平派系的。边巴扎西，1991年9月 – 1992年9月山东省德州市禹城县监察局锻炼。边巴扎西和丁薛祥使用同一个秘书张宏亮。
就是传言被中纪委调查的张宏亮。山东省德州市基本是习近平的大本营。山东省德州市出身的官员，只有司法部长贺荣，疑似是江泽民派系的，不是习近平的人。贺荣只是祖籍是德州而已。她既没有在德州生活过，可能她生在北京，在北京长大，也没有德州当官。就是贺荣的社会关系就不在德州市，或者说能够帮助贺荣升官的官员，就不在德州。所以就不说全家桶，就是大本营。但是贺荣和德州市关系不大。把贺荣排除了，这德州市还是习近平的全家桶。
第五个就是顾秀莲的关工委，关心下一代委员会。这里面习近平的马仔也比较多。顾秀莲要走两条线，一条是江苏南通老乡，常州老乡，一条是关工委。南通市和常州市并不接壤，但是距离很近150公里。江苏还是挺复杂的，扬州是江泽民，泰州是胡锦涛，南通和常州是习近平。其实是朱镕基，包括上海市闸北区也是陈云和朱镕基的地盘。陈云李鹏朱镕基习近平是一个派系的。
胡锦涛对江苏省泰州市我感觉没什么感情。我还没有发现胡锦涛提拔江苏省泰州市官员的案例。当年胡锦涛想要给他父母所谓的平反。请泰州市当地的官员吃饭，人家根本就没有出席胡锦涛的请客吃饭。这泰州市的官员还是有骨气，当然了，胡锦涛当年啥都不是一个小崔。所以胡锦涛的太泰州没有感情，胡锦涛的老乡根本就不值钱。反而胡锦涛提拔了很多跟着他参加汶川大地震救灾或者是有关联的人。但是江泽民提拔一些扬州老乡。这还是和个人经历有关。
江苏南通市和常州市为什么是习近平的人。根还是陈云这里。陈云是上海市青浦区人。但是青浦区以前其实是江苏的。习近平当过浙江的书记，当过上海市的书记，但是没有在江苏工作过。江浙沪说白了，就是陈云的地盘。不过一个省不可能只有一个派系。尤其上海作为中国最重要的政治高地。
以地域来划分，并不一定很准。肯定里面是有例外的。但是不多。要把因果关系搞清楚。他们掺和在一起形成一个派系，可能是因为是一个地级市的老乡。但并不是说，一个地级市的老乡就一定是一个派系的。中国任何一个地级市都是几百万的人口。不可能每个人都认识总书记。但是他既然能爬上去还得要考虑老乡这层关系。
大家就应该看出来了，习近平的干儿子，丁薛祥。习近平的四大派系，每个丁薛祥都沾边，丁薛祥身上这么多习近平派系的元素。想不当习近平的干儿子也不行啊。丁薛祥有哈尔滨工业大学的痕迹，有上海市闸北区的工作经历。有江苏省南通市的顾秀莲老乡的背景，丁薛祥的秘书张宏亮给边巴扎西当过秘书，边巴扎西有山东省德州市的背景。丁薛祥集齐了习近平的四大派系。难怪会当中办主任，当习近平的大秘。
那么最早，丁薛祥是谁提拔的呢？不是别人，正是吴邦国。
丁薛祥最早在上海材料研究所就是被当时的中共上海市委常委兼市委科技工委书记吴邦国看上的。简单的说就是把上海材料研究所看成是上海市科委的一个下属单位就可以。吴邦国为了拯救陈云习近平吴邦国这个政治集团，为了拯救丁薛祥，畏罪自己走了，这都没有救得了丁薛祥。
上海材料研究所所长鄢国强是朱镕基的湖南老乡。丁薛祥提拔上海市材料所所长的时候，上海市科委主任是谁，暂时没有找到。或者当时可能不叫科委，叫做市委科技工委。找出来的话，逻辑也是吴邦国安排科委那个人去提拔丁薛祥的。丁薛祥在徐匡迪任上海市长期间，升任上海材料所所长，上海科委副主任，闸北区区长。2004年丁薛祥任上海组织部副部长，部长是姜斯宪，姜斯宪是徐匡迪的秘书。
2006年11月，丁薛祥接替因“陈良宇事件”落马的孙路一，出任中共上海市委副秘书长兼市委办公厅主任，掌管市委直属机关机要，辅佐时任代理市委书记和市长的韩正。丁薛祥和韩正都很明显，都是一个套路。
韩正趁着自己上海市委书记和上海市长一肩挑的机会，提拔了丁薛祥。
胡锦涛为什么10年都不提拔朱镕基提拔的韩正呢？
而朱镕基趁着自己上海市委书记和上海市长一肩挑的机会，提拔了韩正。韩正的副局级和正局级都是朱镕基提拔的。有人就被大外宣洗脑，认为朱镕基是邓小平提拔的。那么胡锦涛为什么10年都不提拔朱镕基提拔的韩正呢？这个矛盾怎么解释呢。
而且韩正就趁着代理上海市委书记那半年，就提拔了丁薛祥。就是见缝就钻啊。就是说韩正迫切的想被提拔为上海市委书记的。但是胡锦涛不提拔韩正啊。
有人觉得朱镕基似乎是改革派，朱镕基他不是改革派。就算退一步讲，朱镕基算成改革路线的，即便把朱镕基说成改革派的，跟利益无关。朱镕基和习近平一起做生意。利益绑定，屁股决定脑袋。跟路线没有任何关系。说白了，就是中国的俗语，满口仁义道德，满肚子男盗女娼。
我们看丁薛祥的秘书张宏亮的背景。张宏亮先是担任中国国务院办公厅秘书二局五处副处长。2011年12月10日之前，升任处长。当时的国务院总理是温家宝，副总理是李克强，回良玉，张德江，王岐山。总理和副总理，只能猜王岐山了，王岐山和习近平是一家人啊。但是这个回良玉嫌疑也很大。回良玉有可能不是江泽民的人，而是陈云习近平的人。
清华顾问委员会就相当于朱镕基在共产党之外成立一个清华党
国务委员刘延东，梁光烈，马凯可能都是习近平的人。所以习近平不少啊，习近平怎么上位，他是有根基的。或者说习近平没有根基，但是朱镕基有根基，有班底，朱镕基把习近平扶上位的。凡是参加清华经管学院顾问委员会这些人都是朱镕基的人，都是习近平的人。习近平不准别人搞团团伙伙，朱镕基跑去搞一个团团伙伙。清华顾问委员会就相当于朱镕基在共产党之外成立一个清华党。
只不过这个清华党支持习近平。这不是王岐山，刘延东，马凯都在这里面。丁薛祥的秘书张宏亮还给边巴扎西当过秘书。边巴扎西就是刘延东提拔的。边巴扎西提拔正局级的时候，刘延东就是边巴扎西的上级。
2013年10月之前，张宏亮援藏，担任西藏自治区政府副秘书长，西藏副主席边巴扎西的大秘。而边巴扎西为西藏那曲市出身的官员，其中西藏那曲市（原那曲地区）地委书记热地 （1972年6月 – 1975年8月）。那曲地区行署副专员杨晓渡（1986年9月 – 1992年12月）都是陈云习近平派系的官员。
热地就是陈云的人，热地他既没有把胡锦涛放在眼里，也没有把江泽民放在眼里。谁给热地的勇气，敢无视两个总书记。那不就是陈云吗？陈云死了，给热地撑腰的就是李鹏，朱镕基，吴邦国，习近平。
1988年7月 – 1993年3月，24岁的边巴扎西任监察部第六监察司干部、科员、副主任科员。监察部刚组建的时候可以说是从零开始、白手起家。尉健行任监察部部长、党组书记，原来在中央纪委工作的老同志刘鸣九任监察部副部长、党组副书记，徐青、何勇任监察部副部长、党组成员。四个部长、四个秘书、四辆小车、四个司机，其他的一无所有。国务院的要求是，一面组建一面工作。
刘鸣九是监察部的二把手，二把手有的时候很关键。刘鸣九是文革之后第一任中纪委书记陈云提拔的。中纪委现在16个室，之前号称八大室，最早在陈云的时候，就是一个室，刘鸣九就是中纪委第一室第一任主任。陈云一手提拔的。就是陈云的铁杆马仔。所以边巴扎西就是陈云马仔刘鸣九提拔的。为什么不是尉健行呢？尉健行是胡耀邦的人，这是赵紫阳说的。
江泽民为什么不换尉健行这个中纪委书记呢？
大家想，尉健行既然胡耀邦的人，为什么能在江泽民时代担任长达10年中纪委书记这样关键的岗位。说明江泽民也是胡耀邦提拔的呀。不然江泽民为什么用尉健行呢？胡锦涛第一个任期中纪委书记吴官正是陈云李先念派系的。第二个任期，胡锦涛就换成自己人贺国强了。江泽民为什么不换尉健行呢？那不就说明是自己人吗？
1991年9月到1992年9月，27岁的边巴扎西挂职山东省德州市禹城县监察局锻炼。山东德州市，就掉进了陈云习近平派系的全家桶。德州出身的官员，张全景曾经担任中组部长，赵克志曾经担任公安部长，尹力现任北京市委书记。马仲才曾经是姜春云的秘书，黄胜曾经是赵志浩的秘书。这些人全部都是陈云习近平派系的。边巴扎西跑到德州去挂职，他肯定就是习近平派系的。
1998年1月 – 2000年9月，34岁的边巴扎西借调西藏自治区党委办公厅任正处级秘书。当时的西藏党委书记是陈奎元（1992年11月 – 2000年9月），西藏党委副书记是郭金龙 （1994年 – 2000年）。边巴扎西是陈奎元的秘书，而不是郭金龙，因为陈奎元是陈云习近平派系的，而郭金龙是胡锦涛派系的。
2007年11月 – 2007年12月，43岁的边巴扎西任中央统战部七局局长。当时的中央统战部长是刘延东 （2002年12月 – 2007年12月）。中央统战部七局又名中央西藏工作协调小组办公室，当时的中央西藏工作协调小组组长是贾庆林。贾庆林和刘延东都是习近平这个派系的呀。刘延东一般的说法是胡锦涛的人。但是刘延东和朱镕基王岐山混在一起。在提拔边巴扎西的关键时刻，刘延东是边巴扎西的上级。刘延东是习近平的人，一切就逻辑通顺了。
所以和边巴扎西这个西藏副主席，提拔他的人有陈云亲自提拔的监察部副部长刘鸣九，陈奎元，张全景，赵克志，贾庆林，刘延东。边巴扎西的秘书张宏亮现在是丁薛祥的秘书。所以丁薛祥是习近平的铁杆马仔。丁薛祥不可能接任习近平担任总书记。好的，谢谢大家。
英文翻译
Ding Xuexiang’s chief secretary Zhang Hongliang is under investigation by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. Xi Jinping is in a precarious situation. Ding Xuexiang was promoted by Wu Bangguo, secretary of the Shanghai Science and Technology Working Committee, in his early years. Wu Bangguo himself left for fear of punishment and could not save Ding Xuexiang. Hello everyone, a netizen sent me a message that Zhang Hongliang, director of the Second Secretary Bureau of the General Office of the State Council of China, is under investigation by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. Zhang Hongliang is the chief secretary of Ding Xuexiang, the first vice premier of China. Let’s analyze the factional background of Ding Xuexiang and Ding Xuexiang’s chief secretary. Peng Liyuan and Luo Jian established the corruption network of the Harbin Gang. The Harbin Gang should be accurately called the Harbin Institute of Technology Gang. There is also a hidden figure named Ding Xuexiang. This netizen said that how could Ding Xuexiang be a member of the Jiang faction? Ding Xuexiang graduated from Fulaerji College, which was independent from Harbin Institute of Technology and has a thousand connections with Harbin Institute of Technology. I believe more in Ding Xuexiang’s connection with the Harbin Gang. Ding Xuexiang is definitely from Xi Jinping’s faction. Let’s see why this netizen said Fulaerji College. The history of Yanshan University is very clear. In 1958, the Department of Heavy Machinery and related majors of Harbin Institute of Technology were moved to Fulaerji District, Qiqihar City, an industrial town, and the Harbin Institute of Technology Heavy Machinery College was established. In other words, Ding Xuexiang’s alma mater, Northeast Heavy Machinery College, now called Yanshan University, was independent from Harbin Institute of Technology at the beginning. According to our listening method, Law 2 does not have only one faction in any ministerial-level unit. According to our listening method, Zhejiang Gang, Fujian Gang, Shaanxi Gang, and Shanghai Gang are all wrong statements. The ministerial level is too big, and there must be more than one faction in it. So where are the factions? Factions are in smaller units at the bureau level. The first one is the Harbin Institute of Technology Gang, which is Xi Jinping’s real first faction. There are too many people in it. It is impossible to list them one by one. Ma Xingrui and Luo Jian are about 20 people. Harbin Institute of Technology, especially those who graduated from the graduate school in the 1980s. I dare not say that 100% of them are Xi Jinping’s people, but it is definitely more than 90%, that is, one, and two are exceptions. Unless there is sufficient evidence, it is assumed that Harbin Institute of Technology is Xi Jinping’s man. That is to say, Ding Xuexiang’s school at the beginning was Xi Jinping’s base camp. Let’s not talk about the whole family bucket. At most one person, two people are exceptions, but the exception is definitely not Ding Xuexiang. Ding Xuexiang is 200% Xi Jinping’s man. Ding Xuexiang is Xi Jinping’s man from front to back, up and down, left and right. It would be strange if he is not Xi Jinping’s man. The second Xi Jinping gang is the Party Building Research Association. There are Qi Yu, Secretary of the Party Group of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Li Shulei, Minister of Propaganda. The third is Zhabei District, Shanghai, Zhang Huixin, Deputy Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, and Nie Furu, Zhang Huixin’s secretary, who is currently the Director of the Political Department of the Ministry of State Security of China. Shi Xiaolin, Ding Xuexiang, Yin Hong, Lin Longbin. Shi Xiaolin is the governor of Sichuan Province, Ding Xuexiang is the vice premier, Yin Hong is the secretary of the Jiangxi Provincial Party Committee, and Lin Longbin is Han Zheng’s secretary. There are also Weng Zuliang and Shi Guanghui. Weng Zuliang is the chairman of Wugang and was driven out of Shanghai by Li Qiang. Shi Guanghui is now the deputy secretary of the Inner Mongolia Party Committee and was also driven out of Shanghai by Li Qiang. These people are Xi Jinping’s die-hard followers. They have nothing to do with Jiang Zemin. The same is true for Zhabei District. Unless there is sufficient evidence to prove that he is not from Xi Jinping’s faction, he is assumed to be Xi Jinping’s person. Let’s see who is really in Zhabei District. In 1928, Ke Qingshi replaced Kang Sheng as the secretary of the Shanghai Zhabei District Committee of the Communist Party of China. In July 1930, Chen Yun concurrently served as the secretary of the Zhabei District Committee. Chen Yun is the boss of the Communist Party of China after the reform and opening up. After the reform and opening up, it was Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun who had the final say. Kang Sheng and Ke Qingshi also have a heavy weight in the history of the Communist Party of China. Isn’t Zhabei District in Shanghai to Chen Yun equivalent to Guang’an City in Sichuan Province and Baise City in Guangxi Province to Deng Xiaoping? From 2001 to 2004, 39-year-old Ding Xuexiang served as the mayor of Zhabei District in Shanghai. Zhabei District in Shanghai is where Chen Yun, the boss of Xi Jinping’s faction, made his fortune. If they are all arrested, it will be uprooted. The fourth Xi Jinping family bucket is Dezhou City, Shandong Province, Zhang Quanjing, Zhao Kezhi, Yin Li, He Rong, Zhang Huilai, Bian Bazaxi, Ma Zhongcai, Jiang Chunyun, Huang Sheng, Zhao Zhihao. Zhang Quanjing, once served as the Minister of Organization of the CPC Central Committee. Zhao Kezhi, once served as the State Councilor and Minister of Public Security. Yin Li, current member of the Political Bureau, Secretary of the Beijing Municipal Committee. He Rong, Minister of Justice. Zhang Huilai, once served as the Secretary of the Shandong Political and Legal Committee and Secretary of the Qingdao Municipal Committee. Zhang Huilai’s predecessor as Secretary of the Qingdao Municipal Committee was Yu Zhengsheng, who was from the Deng Xiaoping faction. Bian Bazaxi, from September 1991 to September 1992, was trained in the Supervision Bureau of Yucheng County, Dezhou City, Shandong Province. Bian Bazaxi and Ding Xuexiang used the same secretary Zhang Hongliang. This is Zhang Hongliang who is rumored to be investigated by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. Dezhou City, Shandong Province is basically Xi Jinping’s base camp. The only official from Dezhou City, Shandong Province, is the Minister of Justice He Rong, who is suspected to be from Jiang Zemin’s faction and not Xi Jinping’s. He Rong’s ancestral home is just Dezhou. She has never lived in Dezhou. Maybe she was born in Beijing, grew up in Beijing, and has never been an official in Dezhou. That is, He Rong’s social relations are not in Dezhou City, or the officials who can help He Rong get promoted are not in Dezhou. So it’s not a family bucket, it’s a base camp. But He Rong has little relationship with Dezhou City. Excluding He Rong, Dezhou City is still Xi Jinping’s family bucket. The fifth is Gu Xiulian’s Care for the Next Generation Committee. There are also many Xi Jinping’s lackeys in it. Gu Xiulian has to follow two lines, one is the fellow townsman of Nantong, Jiangsu, and Changzhou, and the other is the Care for the Next Generation Committee. Nantong City and Changzhou City are not adjacent to each other, but they are very close, 150 kilometers apart. Jiangsu is still quite complicated. Yangzhou is Jiang Zemin, Taizhou is Hu Jintao, and Nantong and Changzhou are Xi Jinping. In fact, it is Zhu Rongji, including Zhabei District of Shanghai, which is also the territory of Chen Yun and Zhu Rongji. Chen Yun, Li Peng, Zhu Rongji and Xi Jinping are from the same faction. I don’t think Hu Jintao has any feelings for Taizhou City, Jiangsu Province. I haven’t found any case where Hu Jintao promoted officials from Taizhou City, Jiangsu Province. Back then, Hu Jintao wanted to redress his parents’ wrongdoings. He invited local officials from Taizhou City to dinner, but they didn’t even attend Hu Jintao’s dinner. The officials from Taizhou City still have backbone. Of course, Hu Jintao was nothing but a little Cui back then. So Hu Jintao has no feelings for Taizhou City, and Hu Jintao’s fellow villagers are not worth anything at all. On the contrary, Hu Jintao promoted many people who followed him to participate in the Wenchuan earthquake relief or were related to him. But Jiang Zemin promoted some fellow villagers from Yangzhou. This is still related to personal experience. Why are Nantong City and Changzhou City in Jiangsu Province Xi Jinping’s people? The roots are still here in Chen Yun. Chen Yun is from Qingpu District, Shanghai. But Qingpu District was actually in Jiangsu before. Xi Jinping has been the secretary of Zhejiang and the secretary of Shanghai, but he has never worked in Jiangsu. To put it bluntly, Jiangsu, Zhejiang and Shanghai are Chen Yun’s territory. But a province cannot have only one faction. Especially Shanghai is China’s most important political highland. Division by region is not necessarily accurate. There are definitely exceptions. But not many. We need to clarify the cause and effect relationship. They mixed together to form a faction, perhaps because they were from the same prefecture-level city. But it does not mean that the same prefecture-level city’s fellow villagers must be from the same faction. Any prefecture-level city in China has a population of millions. It is impossible for everyone to know the general secretary. But since he was able to climb up, he had to consider the relationship of fellow villagers. Everyone should have seen that Xi Jinping’s godson, Ding Xuexiang. Ding Xuexiang is related to each of Xi Jinping’s four major factions. Ding Xuexiang has so many elements of Xi Jinping’s faction. It is impossible not to be Xi Jinping’s godson. Ding Xuexiang has traces of Harbin Institute of Technology and work experience in Zhabei District, Shanghai. He has the background of Gu Xiulian, a fellow villager from Nantong City, Jiangsu Province. Ding Xuexiang’s secretary Zhang Hongliang used to be a secretary to Bian Bazaxi, and Bian Bazaxi has a background in Dezhou City, Shandong Province. Ding Xuexiang has gathered all the four major factions of Xi Jinping. No wonder he became the director of the General Office of the Central Committee and Xi Jinping’s chief secretary. So who promoted Ding Xuexiang in the beginning? It was none other than Wu Bangguo. Ding Xuexiang was first spotted by Wu Bangguo, then member of the Standing Committee of the Shanghai Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China and Secretary of the Municipal Committee’s Science and Technology Working Committee, when he was at the Shanghai Institute of Materials. Simply put, the Shanghai Institute of Materials can be regarded as a subordinate unit of the Shanghai Municipal Science and Technology Commission. In order to save the political group of Chen Yun, Xi Jinping and Wu Bangguo, and to save Ding Xuexiang, Wu Bangguo left for fear of crime, but this did not save Ding Xuexiang. Yan Guoqiang, director of the Shanghai Institute of Materials, is a fellow Hunanese of Zhu Rongji. When Ding Xuexiang promoted the director of the Shanghai Institute of Materials, who was the director of the Shanghai Science and Technology Commission? It has not been found yet. Or it may not be called the Science and Technology Commission at that time, but the Municipal Committee’s Science and Technology Working Committee. If it is found out, the logic is that Wu Bangguo arranged for the person in the Science and Technology Commission to promote Ding Xuexiang. During Xu Kuangdi’s tenure as mayor of Shanghai, Ding Xuexiang was promoted to director of the Shanghai Institute of Materials, deputy director of the Shanghai Science and Technology Commission, and mayor of Zhabei District. In 2004, Ding Xuexiang was appointed as the deputy director of the Shanghai Organization Department. The director was Jiang Sixian, who was Xu Kuangdi’s secretary. In November 2006, Ding Xuexiang replaced Sun Luyi, who was dismissed due to the “Chen Liangyu incident”, and became the deputy secretary-general of the Shanghai Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China and director of the Municipal Committee Office. He was in charge of the confidential matters of the municipal party committee’s directly affiliated organs and assisted Han Zheng, who was then the acting secretary of the municipal party committee and mayor. It is obvious that Ding Xuexiang and Han Zheng are both the same routine. Han Zheng took the opportunity of being the secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee and the mayor of Shanghai to promote Ding Xuexiang. Why didn’t Hu Jintao promote Han Zheng, who was promoted by Zhu Rongji, for 10 years? Zhu Rongji took the opportunity of being the secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee and the mayor of Shanghai to promote Han Zheng. Han Zheng’s deputy bureau-level and bureau-level positions were all promoted by Zhu Rongji. Some people were brainwashed by the big foreign propaganda and believed that Zhu Rongji was promoted by Deng Xiaoping. So why didn’t Hu Jintao promote Han Zheng, who was promoted by Zhu Rongji, for 10 years? How to explain this contradiction? Moreover, Han Zheng promoted Ding Xuexiang during the half year when he was acting as the secretary of Shanghai Municipal Party Committee. He just took advantage of the opportunity. Han Zheng was eager to be promoted to the secretary of Shanghai Municipal Party Committee. But Hu Jintao didn’t promote Han Zheng. Some people think that Zhu Rongji seems to be a reformist, but he is not a reformist. Even if we take a step back and say that Zhu Rongji is a reformist, even if we say that Zhu Rongji is a reformist, it has nothing to do with interests. Zhu Rongji and Xi Jinping do business together. Interests bind, and the butt determines the head. It has nothing to do with the line. To put it bluntly, it is a Chinese proverb, full of benevolence and morality, but full of thieves and prostitutes. Let’s look at the background of Ding Xuexiang’s secretary Zhang Hongliang. Zhang Hongliang first served as the deputy director of the Fifth Division of the Second Bureau of the Secretary of the General Office of the State Council of China. Before December 10, 2011, he was promoted to director. At that time, the Premier of the State Council was Wen Jiabao, and the Vice Premiers were Li Keqiang, Hui Liangyu, Zhang Dejiang, and Wang Qishan. As for the Premier and the Vice Premier, we can only guess that Wang Qishan is the one, because Wang Qishan and Xi Jinping are from the same family. But Hui Liangyu is also very suspicious. Hui Liangyu may not be Jiang Zemin’s man, but Chen Yun and Xi Jinping’s man. The Tsinghua Advisory Committee is equivalent to Zhu Rongji establishing a Tsinghua Party outside the Communist Party State Councilors Liu Yandong, Liang Guanglie, and Ma Kai may all be Xi Jinping’s men. So Xi Jinping has a lot of people. How did Xi Jinping get to the top? He has a foundation. Or it can be said that Xi Jinping has no foundation, but Zhu Rongji has a foundation and a team. Zhu Rongji helped Xi Jinping get to the top. All those who participated in the Advisory Committee of Tsinghua School of Economics and Management are Zhu Rongji’s people, and they are all Xi Jinping’s people. Xi Jinping does not allow others to form cliques, but Zhu Rongji went to form a clique. Tsinghua Advisory Committee is equivalent to Zhu Rongji setting up a Tsinghua Party outside the Communist Party. It’s just that this Tsinghua Party supports Xi Jinping. It’s not just Wang Qishan, Liu Yandong, and Ma Kai who are all in it. Ding Xuexiang’s secretary Zhang Hongliang also worked as a secretary for Bian Bazaxi. Bian Bazaxi was promoted by Liu Yandong. When Bian Bazaxi was promoted to the bureau level, Liu Yandong was Bian Bazaxi’s superior. Before October 2013, Zhang Hongliang assisted Tibet and served as deputy secretary-general of the Tibet Autonomous Region Government and chief secretary of Bian Bazaxi, vice chairman of Tibet. Bian Bazaxi is an official from Nagqu City, Tibet, including Redi (June 1972-August 1975), secretary of the Nagqu City (formerly Nagqu Prefecture) Prefectural Committee of Tibet. Yang Xiaodu (September 1986-December 1992), deputy commissioner of the Nagqu Prefecture Administrative Office, are all officials of Chen Yun and Xi Jinping’s faction. Redi was Chen Yun’s man. Redi neither took Hu Jintao nor Jiang Zemin seriously. Who gave Redi the courage to ignore the two general secretaries? Wasn’t it Chen Yun? After Chen Yun died, it was Li Peng, Zhu Rongji, Wu Bangguo, and Xi Jinping who backed Redi. From July 1988 to March 1993, 24-year-old Bian Bazaxi served as a cadre, clerk, and deputy chief clerk of the Sixth Supervision Department of the Ministry of Supervision. When the Ministry of Supervision was first established, it can be said that it started from scratch. Wei Jianxing served as the Minister and Secretary of the Party Group of the Ministry of Supervision, and Liu Mingjiu, an old comrade who used to work in the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, served as the Deputy Minister and Deputy Secretary of the Party Group of the Ministry of Supervision, and Xu Qing and He Yong served as Deputy Ministers and members of the Party Group of the Ministry of Supervision. Four ministers, four secretaries, four cars, four drivers, and nothing else. The State Council’s requirement is to set up and work at the same time. Liu Mingjiu is the second-in-command of the Ministry of Supervision, and the second-in-command is sometimes very critical. Liu Mingjiu was promoted by Chen Yun, the first secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection after the Cultural Revolution. The Central Commission for Discipline Inspection now has 16 offices, which were previously known as the Eight Offices. At the beginning, during Chen Yun’s time, there was only one office, and Liu Mingjiu was the first director of the first office of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. He was promoted by Chen Yun. He was Chen Yun’s loyal henchman. So Bian Bazaxi was promoted by Chen Yun’s henchman Liu Mingjiu. Why not Wei Jianxing? Wei Jianxing was Hu Yaobang’s man, as Zhao Ziyang said. Why didn’t Jiang Zemin replace Wei Jianxing as the secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection? Think about it, since Wei Jianxing was Hu Yaobang’s man, why could he hold such a key position as the secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection for 10 years during Jiang Zemin’s era? This shows that Jiang Zemin was also promoted by Hu Yaobang. Otherwise, why did Jiang Zemin use Wei Jianxing? Wu Guanzheng, the secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection during Hu Jintao’s first term, was from the Chen Yun and Li Xiannian faction. In his second term, Hu Jintao replaced him with his own man He Guoqiang. Why didn’t Jiang Zemin replace Wei Jianxing? Doesn’t that mean he is one of us? From September 1991 to September 1992, 27-year-old Bian Bazaxi was seconded to the Supervision Bureau of Yucheng County, Dezhou City, Shandong Province for training. Dezhou City, Shandong Province, fell into the family bucket of Chen Yun and Xi Jinping’s faction. Officials from Dezhou, Zhang Quanjing once served as the Minister of Organization, Zhao Kezhi once served as the Minister of Public Security, and Yin Li is currently the Secretary of the Beijing Municipal Party Committee. Ma Zhongcai was once the secretary of Jiang Chunyun, and Huang Sheng was once the secretary of Zhao Zhihao. All of these people are from the Chen Yun and Xi Jinping faction. Bian Bazaxi went to Dezhou to work, so he must be from the Xi Jinping faction. From January 1998 to September 2000, 34-year-old Bian Bazaxi was seconded to the General Office of the Tibet Autonomous Region Party Committee as a director-level secretary. The Secretary of the Tibet Party Committee at that time was Chen Kuiyuan (November 1992-September 2000), and the Deputy Secretary of the Tibet Party Committee was Guo Jinlong (1994-2000). Bian Bazaxi was Chen Kuiyuan’s secretary, not Guo Jinlong, because Chen Kuiyuan was from Chen Yun Xi Jinping’s faction, while Guo Jinlong was from Hu Jintao’s faction. From November 2007 to December 2007, 43-year-old Bian Bazaxi served as director of the Seventh Bureau of the Central United Front Work Department. The then Minister of the Central United Front Work Department was Liu Yandong (December 2002-December 2007). The Seventh Bureau of the Central United Front Work Department is also known as the Office of the Central Tibet Work Coordination Group, and the then head of the Central Tibet Work Coordination Group was Liu Yandong. It is Jia Qinglin. Jia Qinglin and Liu Yandong are both from Xi Jinping’s faction. Liu Yandong is generally said to be Hu Jintao’s person. But Liu Yandong is mixed with Zhu Rongji and Wang Qishan. At the critical moment of promoting Bian Bazaxi, Liu Yandong was Bian Bazaxi’s superior. Liu Yandong is Xi Jinping’s person, so everything is logical.
So Bian Bazaxi, the vice chairman of Tibet, was promoted by Liu Mingjiu, the deputy minister of the Ministry of Supervision, who was promoted by Chen Yun himself, Chen Kuiyuan, Zhang Quanjing, Zhao Kezhi, Jia Qinglin, and Liu Yandong. Bian Bazaxi’s secretary Zhang Hongliang is now Ding Xuexiang’s secretary. So Ding Xuexiang is Xi Jinping’s iron henchman. Ding Xuexiang cannot succeed Xi Jinping as general secretary. OK, thank you everyone.
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