下任总书记是谁？江苏刘小涛的线索暗示，是他？跟随总书记上位的江苏省长。习近平马上下台
下任总书记是谁？江苏刘小涛的线索暗示，是他？跟随总书记上位的江苏省长。习近平马上下台
大家好，
我们看一下江苏省委副书记刘小涛，背后的五个人黄华华，汪洋，胡春华，袁家军，马兴瑞。
这名网友说，
大包，蒋某某最近发布的多省政法、公安系统人员调整，有研究的意义吗？蒋某某的分析不靠谱，但消息还算比较灵通。
蒋是个习派外宣。
这个知道的，只是分析他的消息。
你确定他消息灵通？你自己看他说的几个对？准的都是外媒爆出来以后他赶紧做视频。
啧啧啧，这么高看他？请问他说的几个准，呵呵。
他的消息快啊，最近的金湘军、蓝天立被查都是他最先爆的吧，虽然金湘军，我比他知道的还早，他比我晚一个小时，但人家要出视频啊。
蒋就是典型的大外宣。能拿到些爆料，是背后的人为了把这个号的影响力做起来。但蒋自己解读爆料，大部分却都是扯淡，比如强行洗李干杰，说统战部地位高于组织部；又说石泰峰要把政协二把手让给李。结果都扯淡的。
蒋有人喂料，但故意解读带偏节奏。他说中组部不如统战部。
我的回复是
已经官宣的消息，都分析不过来呢，还要操心这些虚无缥缈的也许是真的也许是假的消息呢。
首先我们说中组部和统战部，这个就是反常识，有多少人认为统战部的权力大于中组部。统战部地位高于中组部，这种观点几乎无人认同。中组部负责干部任免，是中共权力的核心枢纽，而统战部主要处理民族、宗教和海外统战事务，权力层级明显低于中组部。这种反常识的解读，可能是为了配合特定宣传目标，误导观众对中共权力结构的理解。
孔子曰，名不正则言不顺，言不顺则事不成。其实我都已经说过了，三中全会之后再也没有一个习近平的官员上位。现在石泰峰执掌中组部无疑已经把这个事情公开化了。经常会有这样错误的说法，派系色彩不明，这都是错误的说法。
按照我发明的35岁正部级定律，任何一个正部级副部级，都只是某位总书记或者总理的小马仔。不认识总书记怎么可能能当上正部级中国一共才几个正部级。省长，省委书记，国务院的正部级，党务系统的正部级，不算人大政协这些二线正部级。一线的正部级也就一百二三十个人。
一个萝卜一个坑，僧多粥少，除了总书记和总理，之外的常委，能分到几个正部级？我举过两个例子，李长春的嫡系马仔于均波，最后只是北京市人大常委会主任，二线正部级。张高丽的马仔广州市长温国辉，因为彭帅事件下台，洗地成砍榕树下台。砍两棵树就能下台，大外宣天天说这些反常识的话。就是李长春，张高丽这种级别的常委，就是小马仔。周永康为什么被抓了？退休常委李长春排名第14名，王岐山第18名，张高丽第19名。王岐山，一个上不了台面的小丑。朱镕基和习近平才是王岐山的老大。
王岐山算老几，他什么都不是。王岐山和周永康一样去住秦城真不算个事儿。排名那么靠后，根本就没有进过权力核心。就我说的这12人名单，不在这12人里面，都是小马仔。所以说名正言顺，王岐山一个退休常委排名倒数第二。吹的比排名第二的朱镕基权力还大，这不是反常识吗？排名到底干吗使得呢？
现在石泰峰已经接任了中组部长，就名正言顺。石泰峰接任中组部长之后时间不长，也就一个半月。但是这一个半月提拔的官员。很明显都有胡春华的背景。就是回答这么几个问题，石泰峰到底是谁的人，石泰峰到底背书谁接替习近平担任总书记。因为中组部长基本和总书记是绑定的。
就看石泰峰提拔谁就行了。我们看刘小涛，简单粗暴，35岁正部级定律套上去。2005年5月，35岁的刘小涛任广东省劳动和社会保障厅办公室主任。也就说很明显，刘小涛是得到了当时广东省劳动厅厅长的赏识。厅长是谁呢，没找到。没找到说明这名厅长可能没有当上副省长。不然的话应该能找到简历。
找不到也没关系，既然这名厅长没有当上副省长，厅长不可能提拔省委副书记。刘小涛现在已经是省委副书记了。按照我们的35岁正部级定律，在2005年之前，刘小涛35岁之前，他已经认识了一个总书记。准确的说，是一个总书记看上刘小涛了。跟没有用，跟得再紧，总书记看不上也没有用。那肯定是当时的广东某位省长或者副省长，看上刘小涛的。他是厅长的办公室主任。跟着厅长去向省长汇报工作认识的。
我给大家找到的一个最早相关资料就是2000年6月。广东省长老龄工作委员会，主任欧广源副省长。副主任有广东省人事厅厅长，广东省劳动厅巡视员。中国这个折腾来折腾去，当时有两个厅，人事厅，劳动厅。后面就合并了。
欧广源到底是什么派系，我不确定。有这么一个资料。1992年1月29日下午，邓小平结束了在珠海的视察，就要离开了。下午3时，邓小平告别珠海，在省委书记谢非、省长朱森林的陪同下，乘汽车向广州方向驶去，沿途察看了中山、顺德、番禺等市县的城乡建设，对珠海三角洲的发展变化给予了高度评价。中途在顺德县容奇开发区停留，视察了以“容声冰箱”名闻遐迩的广东珠江冰箱厂。
4时许，顺德，广东珠江冰箱厂内。
暖暖的阳光照耀着珠江冰箱厂技术办公大楼门前的红地毯，烘托出一派暖暖的氛围。这时，一辆“中巴”悄然驶来，随即车上走下了身着杏色T恤便服、精神矍铄的客人邓小平。 早已等候在那里的佛山市委书记叶谷、佛山市委副书记欧广源、顺德县委书记何敏和、在顺德县长陈用志、副县长冯润胜等以及珠江冰箱厂的有关负责人迎上前去，热烈欢迎邓小平的到来。邓小平亲切地与他们一一握手，然后向欢迎的群众挥手致意
1992年，叶谷和欧广源在广东珠江冰箱厂被邓小平接见，当时邓小平88岁了，岁数挺大的，还在乡下接见的这几个人，很可能是邓小平的亲信安排的。
这是最早可能提拔刘小涛的人，但是我不确定。当时我们注意一下，刘小涛起家的广东省人力资源和社会保障厅。两个厅长刘友君，陈奕威都被查处了。这两个人虽然不是刘小涛的直接上级，但是说明政治斗争的激烈程度。
2008年8月，38岁的刘小涛任广东省地税局副局长、党组成员。当时的广东省委书记是汪洋（2007年12月 – 2012年12月），广东省长是黄华华（2003年1月 – 2011年11月）。局长是吴升文 （1998年6月 – 2011年4月）。吴升文也抓了。
刘小涛和黄华华都是广东省梅州市兴宁市人，一个县级市的老乡。客家人。习近平派系的林树森是潮汕人，但是派系也未必是以客家人和潮汕人划线的。黄华华我说过，给黄华华担任了5年大秘的徐尚武是田纪云的秘书，田纪云是赵紫阳头号马仔。黄华华1992年被邓小平从地级市的市长，跨过了地级市市委书记，副省长，两步，连升三级，直接担任广东省委常委。
正常的晋升途径是地级市长，市委书记，副省长，省委常委，这是最常见的。大家看这个年份，1992年省委常委2003年省长，正部级。刚好跨过了，我说的，邓小平死了，胡锦涛担任总书记这个时间线。1997年到2002年是邓小平胡锦涛派系最虚弱的时候。
时间线完美，不用多费口舌。
黄华华确认是胡锦涛马仔，刘小涛是黄华华一个县级市的老乡，在黄华华的任期之内升任了副局级。当然了当时的省委书记是汪洋，汪洋这个手型，很明显他会打字，习近平只会敲击回车键。
2012年4月，42岁的刘小涛任茂名市委常委，副市长。当时的茂名市委书记是邓海光（2011年2月 – 2013年2月）。当时的广东省委书记是汪洋（2007年12月 – 2012年12月），广东省长是朱小丹（2011年11月 – 2016年12月）。
刘小涛在胡春华的任期之内升任了地级市长，市委书记
我们看连续4任茂名市委书记都这抓了。未必都是胡锦涛的人，可能是互抓，还需要具体研究。2014年4月，44岁的刘小涛任茂名市委常委、电白区委书记、茂名水东湾新城党工委书记。当时的广东省委书记是胡春华（2012年12月 – 2017年10月），广东省长是朱小丹（2011年11月 – 2016年12月）。大家注意这时候胡春华已经出现了，刘小涛在胡春华的任期之内升任了地级市长，市委书记。
2016年5月 – 2017年6月，46岁的刘小涛任汕头市市长。当时的广东省委书记是胡春华（2012年12月 – 2017年10月），广东省长是朱小丹（2011年11月 – 2016年12月）。
2017年6月 – 2019年5月，47岁的刘小涛任潮州市委书记。当时的广东省委书记是胡春华（2012年12月 – 2017年10月），广东省长是马兴瑞（2016年12月 – 2021年12月）。
我们看刘小涛的地级市市长和市委书记都是发生在胡春华的任期之内。当然地级市的市委书记也可以说是在马兴瑞的任期之内。因为刘小涛给马兴瑞当了11个月的大秘。这件事情怎么理解，无非就是两种解释，第一种就是刘小涛就是马兴瑞的马仔。
第二种，马兴瑞换大秘，需要当时的省委书记李希签字。
面对时任佳木斯市委书记林秀山，佳木斯李海涛处处隐忍，甚至委曲求全。当地一名官场人士讲述了一件往事，李海涛对时任市政府副秘书长兼办公室主任颇为欣赏，正好市政府秘书长空缺，李海涛大力举荐，希望此人能担任秘书长。秘书长是市政府的大管家，市长李海涛理应拥有话语权，况且此人的资历也够，从办公室主任到秘书长，在众人眼中是顺理成章之事。佳木斯组织部门知道李海涛的意图，对此也很积极。然而，事情卡在了林秀山那里，他找出各种理由，拖住不批。
2019年5月 – 2020年4月，49岁的刘小涛任广东省人民政府秘书长。当时的广东省委书记是李希（2017年10月 – 2022年10月），广东省长是马兴瑞（2016年12月 – 2021年12月）
刘小涛仅仅给马兴瑞当了11个月秘书。要么刘小涛马兴瑞马仔，要么就是当时的广东省委书记李希在恶心马兴瑞呢。所以我说李希是胡锦涛的人。我们看李希自己在广东省就换了5个大秘。我们看中共的权斗大戏，比剧本精彩一百倍。
刘小涛工作过的5个单位，16个正局级被调查。我没有查， 可能有的人已经升任了副部级。这16个官员也未必都是胡锦涛派系的，胡春华派系，也可能有习近平派系的，大家在互殴。刘小涛工作的每一个地方都是战场州。
大家就想，刘小涛到底是马兴瑞马仔，胡锦涛在一直调查他。还是刘小涛是胡春华马仔，习近平在查。这不是明摆着吗？习近平为了阻止胡春华接班，一直在胡春华的马仔。李希为什么安排刘小涛当马兴瑞大秘呢，不是明摆着，习近平不让提拔刘小涛当副省长。李希故意去恶心马兴瑞。马兴瑞要把刘小涛赶走，只能让习近平给他安排个副省长。
刘小涛在浙江和袁家军搭档。刘小涛身上梗还挺多，应该拆成两期说了
2021年8月30日，51岁的刘小涛任中共浙江省委常委、温州市委书记。当时的浙江省委书记是袁家军(2020年8月31日 – 2022年12月)，浙江省长是郑栅洁（2020年9月 – 2021年9月）。
2021年北戴河会议真实存在，又多了一个关键的证据。
2021年7月，周洪许被任命为中央警卫局局长
2021年8月21日，周江勇被抓。习近平亲手提拔的象山县委书记周江勇。
2021年8月28日，姜春云/金人庆/张育军，在同一天死亡。
会后人事大调整
2021年8月30日，胡春华马仔刘小涛任温州市委书记。
很明显刘小涛背书胡春华将接替中共总书记。刘小涛很明显是胡春华的班底。这不就是石泰峰帮着提拔的吗？胡春华刚刚接替总书记，自己的马仔还来不及当省委书记，当个省长还来得及。
好的，谢谢大家。
英文翻译
Who will be the next general secretary? The clues of Jiangsu Liu Xiaotao suggest that it is him? The governor of Jiangsu Province who followed the general secretary to the position. Xi Jinping will step down soon
Hello everyone,
Let’s take a look at Liu Xiaotao, the deputy secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee, and the five people behind him, Huang Huahua, Wang Yang, Hu Chunhua, Yuan Jiajun, and Ma Xingrui.
This netizen said,
Dabao, is it worth studying the personnel adjustments in the political and legal and public security systems in many provinces recently released by Jiang Moumou? Jiang Moumou’s analysis is unreliable, but he is relatively well-informed.
Jiang is a foreign propaganda of the Xi faction.
I know this, but I just analyzed his news.
Are you sure he is well-informed? See for yourself how many of his statements are correct? The ones that are accurate are those that he quickly made videos after the foreign media broke the news.
Tsk tsk tsk, do you think so highly of him? How many of his statements are accurate, haha.
He is quick to spread the news. He was the first to break the news about Jin Xiangjun and Lan Tianli being investigated. Although I knew about Jin Xiangjun earlier than him, and he knew about it an hour later than me, he had to release a video.
Jiang is a typical big foreign propaganda. The reason why he can get some breaking news is that the people behind him want to increase the influence of this account. But Jiang’s own interpretation of the breaking news is mostly nonsense, such as forcibly whitewashing Li Ganjie, saying that the United Front Work Department has a higher status than the Organization Department; and saying that Shi Taifeng wants to give the second-in-command of the CPPCC to Li. The results are all nonsense.
Jiang has someone to feed him news, but he deliberately interprets it to deviate the rhythm. He said that the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee is not as good as the United Front Work Department.
My reply is
I can’t even analyze the news that has been officially announced, and I still have to worry about these vague news that may be true or false.
First of all, let’s talk about the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee and the United Front Work Department. This is counterintuitive. How many people think that the United Front Work Department has more power than the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee. The United Front Work Department has a higher status than the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee. This view is almost unacceptable. The Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee is responsible for the appointment and removal of cadres and is the core hub of the CPC’s power. The United Front Work Department mainly handles ethnic, religious and overseas United Front affairs, and its power level is obviously lower than that of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee. This counterintuitive interpretation may be to cooperate with specific propaganda goals and mislead the audience’s understanding of the CPC’s power structure.
Confucius said, if the name is not right, then the words will not flow, and if the words are not flowing, then the things will not be accomplished. In fact, I have already said that after the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee, no official of Xi Jinping has been promoted. Now that Shi Taifeng is in charge of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, this matter has undoubtedly been made public. There are often such wrong statements that the factional color is unclear, which is a wrong statement.
According to the 35-year-old ministerial law I invented, any ministerial or deputy ministerial level is just a pony of a general secretary or prime minister. How can you become a ministerial level without knowing the general secretary? There are only a few ministerial levels in China. Governors, provincial party secretaries, ministerial levels of the State Council, and ministerial levels of the party affairs system, not counting the second-tier ministerial levels such as the National People’s Congress and the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference. There are only 120 to 30 first-tier ministerial levels.
There is only one position for each person, and there are too many people and too little porridge. How many members of the Standing Committee other than the General Secretary and the Premier can be assigned to the ministerial level? I have given two examples. Li Changchun’s henchman Yu Junbo was only the director of the Beijing Municipal People’s Congress Standing Committee, a second-tier ministerial level. Zhang Gaoli’s henchman Guangzhou Mayor Wen Guohui stepped down because of the Peng Shuai incident, and whitewashed it as cutting down banyan trees. Cutting down two trees can lead to stepping down. The big foreign propaganda says these counterintuitive words every day. Even members of the Standing Committee at the level of Li Changchun and Zhang Gaoli are henchmen. Why was Zhou Yongkang arrested? Retired Standing Committee member Li Changchun ranked 14th, Wang Qishan 18th, and Zhang Gaoli 19th. Wang Qishan is a clown who can’t get on the stage. Zhu Rongji and Xi Jinping are Wang Qishan’s bosses.
Who is Wang Qishan? He is nothing. It’s really no big deal that Wang Qishan lives in Qincheng like Zhou Yongkang. He ranks so low that he has never been in the core of power. As for the list of 12 people I mentioned, those who are not in the list are all small-time lackeys. So it is legitimate that Wang Qishan, a retired member of the Standing Committee, ranks second from the bottom. He boasts that he has more power than Zhu Rongji, who ranks second. Isn’t this contrary to common sense? What is the purpose of ranking?
Now that Shi Taifeng has taken over as the Minister of the Organization Department, it is legitimate. It has not been long since Shi Taifeng took over as the Minister of the Organization Department, only one and a half months. But the officials promoted in this one and a half months. It is obvious that they all have Hu Chunhua’s background. It is just to answer these questions, who is Shi Taifeng’s man, and who Shi Taifeng endorses to succeed Xi Jinping as the general secretary. Because the Minister of the Organization Department is basically tied to the general secretary.
It depends on who Shi Taifeng promotes. Let’s look at Liu Xiaotao, simple and rough, the 35-year-old ministerial level law applies. In May 2005, 35-year-old Liu Xiaotao was the director of the office of the Guangdong Provincial Department of Labor and Social Security. In other words, it is obvious that Liu Xiaotao was appreciated by the director of the Guangdong Provincial Labor Department at that time. Who is the director? I didn’t find it. If I didn’t find it, it means that this director may not have become the deputy governor. Otherwise, I should be able to find his resume.
It doesn’t matter if I can’t find it. Since this director did not become the deputy governor, it is impossible for him to promote the deputy secretary of the provincial party committee. Liu Xiaotao is now the deputy secretary of the provincial party committee. According to our 35-year-old ministerial level law, before 2005, before Liu Xiaotao was 35 years old, he had already met a general secretary. To be precise, it was a general secretary who liked Liu Xiaotao. It’s useless to follow him. No matter how closely you follow him, it’s useless if the general secretary doesn’t like him. It must be a governor or deputy governor of Guangdong at that time who liked Liu Xiaotao. He was the director of the director’s office. He met him when he followed the director to report to the governor.
The earliest relevant information I found for you was in June 2000. The director of the Guangdong Provincial Governor’s Committee on Aging is Vice Governor Ou Guangyuan. The deputy directors are the director of the Guangdong Provincial Personnel Department and the inspector of the Guangdong Provincial Labor Department. China has been tossing and turning. At that time, there were two departments, the Personnel Department and the Labor Department. Later, they were merged.
I am not sure what faction Ou Guangyuan belongs to. There is such a document. On the afternoon of January 29, 1992, Deng Xiaoping ended his inspection in Zhuhai and was about to leave. At 3 pm, Deng Xiaoping bid farewell to Zhuhai and drove to Guangzhou accompanied by Xie Fei, secretary of the provincial party committee, and Zhu Senlin, governor of the province. Along the way, he inspected the urban and rural construction of Zhongshan, Shunde, Panyu and other cities and counties, and spoke highly of the development and changes of the Zhuhai Delta. On the way, he stopped at Rongqi Development Zone in Shunde County and inspected the Guangdong Zhujiang Refrigerator Factory, which is famous for its “Rongsheng Refrigerator”.
At about 4 o’clock, Shunde, Guangdong Zhujiang Refrigerator Factory.
The warm sunshine shines on the red carpet in front of the technical office building of the Zhujiang Refrigerator Factory, creating a warm atmosphere. At this time, a “minibus” quietly drove up, and then Deng Xiaoping, a guest in apricot T-shirt and in good spirits, got off the bus. Foshan Municipal Party Committee Secretary Ye Gu, Foshan Municipal Party Committee Deputy Secretary Ou Guangyuan, Shunde County Party Committee Secretary He Minhe, Shunde County Mayor Chen Yongzhi, Deputy County Mayor Feng Runsheng and other relevant leaders of the Pearl River Refrigerator Factory, who had been waiting there for a long time, came forward to warmly welcome Deng Xiaoping’s arrival. Deng Xiaoping shook hands with them one by one, and then waved to the welcoming crowd.
In 1992, Ye Gu and Ou Guangyuan were received by Deng Xiaoping at the Guangdong Pearl River Refrigerator Factory. Deng Xiaoping was 88 years old at the time, and was quite old. These people who were still received in the countryside were probably arranged by Deng Xiaoping’s confidants.
This was the earliest person who might have promoted Liu Xiaotao, but I’m not sure. At that time, let’s pay attention to the Guangdong Provincial Department of Human Resources and Social Security where Liu Xiaotao started. The two directors, Liu Youjun and Chen Yiwei, were investigated and dealt with. Although these two people were not Liu Xiaotao’s direct superiors, they illustrate the intensity of the political struggle.
In August 2008, 38-year-old Liu Xiaotao was appointed deputy director and member of the party group of Guangdong Provincial Taxation Bureau. The then secretary of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee was Wang Yang (December 2007-December 2012), and the governor of Guangdong Province was Huang Huahua (January 2003-November 2011). The director was Wu Shengwen (June 1998-April 2011). Wu Shengwen was also arrested.
Liu Xiaotao and Huang Huahua are both from Xingning City, Meizhou City, Guangdong Province, and are fellow villagers from the same county-level city. They are Hakka people. Lin Shusen of Xi Jinping’s faction is from Chaoshan, but factions are not necessarily divided by Hakka and Chaoshan people. Huang Huahua, as I said before, Xu Shangwu, who served as Huang Huahua’s chief secretary for five years, was the secretary of Tian Jiyun, who was Zhao Ziyang’s number one henchman. In 1992, Huang Huahua was promoted by Deng Xiaoping from the mayor of a prefecture-level city to the secretary of the prefecture-level city party committee and the deputy governor, two steps, three levels in a row, and directly became a member of the Standing Committee of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee.
The normal promotion path is prefecture-level mayor, secretary of the municipal party committee, deputy governor, and member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee, which is the most common. Look at this year, in 1992, he was a member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee, and in 2003, he became the governor, at the ministerial level. It just happened to cross the timeline that I said, when Deng Xiaoping died and Hu Jintao became the general secretary. From 1997 to 2002, the faction of Deng Xiaoping and Hu Jintao was the weakest.
The timeline is perfect, no need to waste words.
Huang Huahua is confirmed to be Hu Jintao’s henchman. Liu Xiaotao is Huang Huahua’s fellow villager in a county-level city. He was promoted to the deputy bureau level during Huang Huahua’s term. Of course, the provincial party secretary at the time was Wang Yang. Wang Yang’s hand shape clearly shows that he can type, while Xi Jinping can only hit the enter key.
In April 2012, 42-year-old Liu Xiaotao was appointed as a member of the Standing Committee of Maoming Municipal Party Committee and deputy mayor. The then Maoming Municipal Party Committee Secretary was Deng Haiguang (February 2011-February 2013). The then Guangdong Provincial Party Committee Secretary was Wang Yang (December 2007-December 2012), and the Guangdong Provincial Governor was Zhu Xiaodan (November 2011-December 2016).
Liu Xiaotao was promoted to prefecture-level mayor and municipal party committee secretary during Hu Chunhua’s term
We can see that four consecutive Maoming municipal party committee secretaries were arrested. They may not all be Hu Jintao’s people, but may be arrested mutually, which requires specific research. In April 2014, 44-year-old Liu Xiaotao was appointed as a member of the Standing Committee of Maoming Municipal Party Committee, Secretary of Dianbai District Committee, and Secretary of the Party Working Committee of Maoming Shuidongwan New City. The then Guangdong Provincial Party Secretary was Hu Chunhua (December 2012 – October 2017), and the Guangdong Provincial Governor was Zhu Xiaodan (November 2011 – December 2016). Please note that Hu Chunhua had already appeared at this time, and Liu Xiaotao was promoted to prefecture-level mayor and municipal party secretary during Hu Chunhua’s term.
From May 2016 to June 2017, 46-year-old Liu Xiaotao served as mayor of Shantou. The then Guangdong Provincial Party Secretary was Hu Chunhua (December 2012 – October 2017), and the Guangdong Provincial Governor was Zhu Xiaodan (November 2011 – December 2016).
From June 2017 to May 2019, 47-year-old Liu Xiaotao served as Chaozhou Municipal Party Secretary. At that time, the Secretary of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee was Hu Chunhua (December 2012-October 2017), and the Governor of Guangdong was Ma Xingrui (December 2016-December 2021).
We can see that Liu Xiaotao’s prefecture-level city mayor and party secretary all occurred during Hu Chunhua’s term. Of course, the prefecture-level city party secretary can also be said to be during Ma Xingrui’s term. Because Liu Xiaotao served as Ma Xingrui’s chief secretary for 11 months. How to understand this matter is nothing more than two explanations. The first is that Liu Xiaotao is Ma Xingrui’s henchman.
The second is that Ma Xingrui needs the signature of Li Xi, the then provincial party secretary, to change the chief secretary.
Facing Lin Xiushan, the then secretary of the Jiamusi Municipal Party Committee, Jiamusi Li Haitao was tolerant everywhere and even compromised. A local official told a story. Li Haitao admired the then deputy secretary-general and director of the office of the municipal government. It happened that the secretary-general of the municipal government was vacant, and Li Haitao strongly recommended him, hoping that this person could serve as secretary-general. The secretary-general is the steward of the municipal government. Mayor Li Haitao should have the right to speak. Moreover, this person has enough qualifications. From the office director to the secretary-general, it is a natural thing in the eyes of everyone. The Jiamusi Organization Department knows Li Haitao’s intention and is very positive about it. However, the matter is stuck with Lin Xiushan, who finds various reasons to delay the approval.
From May 2019 to April 2020, 49-year-old Liu Xiaotao served as the secretary-general of the Guangdong Provincial People’s Government. The Secretary of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee at that time was Li Xi (October 2017-October 2022), and the Governor of Guangdong Province was Ma Xingrui (December 2016-December 2021)
Liu Xiaotao only served as Ma Xingrui’s secretary for 11 months. Either Liu Xiaotao is Ma Xingrui’s lackey, or Li Xi, the Secretary of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee at that time, is disgusting Ma Xingrui. So I say Li Xi is Hu Jintao’s man. Let’s see that Li Xi himself has changed 5 top secretaries in Guangdong Province. We watch the CCP’s power struggle drama, which is a hundred times more exciting than the script.
In the five units where Liu Xiaotao worked, 16 bureau-level officials were investigated. I didn’t check, and some of them may have been promoted to vice-ministerial level. These 16 officials may not all be from Hu Jintao’s faction, but from Hu Chunhua’s faction, and there may also be Xi Jinping’s faction, and everyone is fighting each other. Every place where Liu Xiaotao works is a battlefield state.
Everyone wonders, is Liu Xiaotao Ma Xingrui’s henchman, and Hu Jintao has been investigating him. Or is Liu Xiaotao Hu Chunhua’s henchman, and Xi Jinping is investigating him. Isn’t this obvious? In order to prevent Hu Chunhua from taking over, Xi Jinping has been Hu Chunhua’s henchman. Why did Li Xi arrange Liu Xiaotao to be Ma Xingrui’s chief secretary? Isn’t it obvious that Xi Jinping did not allow Liu Xiaotao to be promoted to vice governor? Li Xi deliberately disgusted Ma Xingrui. Ma Xingrui wanted to drive Liu Xiaotao away, so Xi Jinping could only arrange a vice governor for him.
Liu Xiaotao partnered with Yuan Jiajun in Zhejiang. There are so many things about Liu Xiaotao that it should be split into two episodes.
On August 30, 2021, 51-year-old Liu Xiaotao was appointed member of the Standing Committee of the Zhejiang Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China and Secretary of the Wenzhou Municipal Party Committee. The Secretary of the Zhejiang Provincial Party Committee at that time was Yuan Jiajun (August 31, 2020-December 2022), and the Governor of Zhejiang was Zheng Zhajie (September 2020-September 2021).
The 2021 Beidaihe Conference really existed, and there is one more key piece of evidence.
In July 2021, Zhou Hongxu was appointed Director of the Central Security Bureau
On August 21, 2021, Zhou Jiangyong was arrested. Zhou Jiangyong, Secretary of the Xiangshan County Party Committee, who was personally promoted by Xi Jinping.
On August 28, 2021, Jiang Chunyun/Jin Renqing/Zhang Yujun died on the same day.
Major personnel adjustments after the meeting
On August 30, 2021, Hu Chunhua’s henchman Liu Xiaotao was appointed as the Secretary of the Wenzhou Municipal Party Committee.
It is obvious that Liu Xiaotao endorsed Hu Chunhua to succeed the General Secretary of the Communist Party of China. Liu Xiaotao is obviously Hu Chunhua’s team. Isn’t this the one Shi Taifeng helped promote? Hu Chunhua just took over as the General Secretary, and his henchman didn’t have time to become the Secretary of the Provincial Party Committee, but he still had time to become a governor.
Okay, thank you everyone.
END